Monday, 1 July 2002

Jeptha and its Sources


The following is a draft for an article finally published as 



Artful Anthology: The Use of Literary Sources for Handel’s Jephtha’ in The Musical Quarterly, Summer 2002 Volume 86, Number 2 (OUP, 2004) pp.349-62.

Artful Anthology: The Literary Sources for Handel's Jephtha

Winton Dean argues that the language of the text for Handel's Jephtha "is more concrete than that of Morell's earlier librettos, and provided a much stronger stimulus to the musician". He then qualifies the sense of praise that might be due to Thomas Morell, who if he "deserves credit for this" does so as "an anthologist".1 This seems a reasonable comment, in the light of the numerous borrowings and quotations from a range of literary and other sources which have been noted in the text. But there are different kinds of anthologist. To think of Morell as merely a collector of others' words might well suggest an uncritical anthologist - someone who (perhaps unimaginatively) throws together a range of sources to form a single work. The sense that Morell's role was not a particularly creative one led Dean to conjecture that other, more able, writers were involved in the composition. But a closer examination of the use of sources suggests that Morell himself was an able, astute, and creative compiler, whose borrowings have a logic perfectly suited to the subject of the oratorio. If Jephtha is a literary anthology it is an extremely knowing one, with its passages and echoes chosen to bring a thematic and artistic unity to the subject. The creation of the libretto suggests, beyond the limitations of a mere collection of sources, an intentional complex interplay of intertextual ideas.

Handel was certainly inspired by the text for his last major composition, as his contemporaries noted. In January 1753, for instance, William Hayes, Professor of Music at Oxford, used the oratorio to rebuff a criticism that Handel, being so "voluminous" a composer, was not always a correct one. He saw Jephtha as indisputable proof of Handel's continued and consistent creative vigour:

Perhaps, as I have been so particular in delivering my sentiments concerning the Hero of th[is] Essay, You may expect me to give you a Detail of the various Excellencies, which still remain unmentioned in HANDEL; and to point out wherein he excels all others of his Profession: The Man [...] Who hath maintained his Ground against all Opposers: - Who at the Age of Seventy, with a broken Constitution, produced such a Composition which no Man [...] is, or ever was [...] equal to, in his highest Vigour.2

Though Handel wasn't actually seventy when he wrote Jephtha he was in his mid-sixties. And though his constitution wasn't exactly broken it was certainly breaking. He had had to stop work on the piece in 1751, scribbling in the margin of the manuscript (in German): "got as far as this on [...] 13th February 1751, unable to go on owing to weakening of the sight of my left eye".3 Handel's response to illness was always proactive, but, despite dangerous and unpleasant surgery (involving the piercing of the cornea with a needle) and visits to spa waters (which had previously proved helpful when he was partly paralysed) his sight was not fully to recover and he was to end his years in increasing blindness. Handel's contemporary biographer, John Mainwaring, suggested that this loss of sight, in 1751, brought with it a natural depression:

This misfortune sunk him for a time into the deepest despondency. He could not rest until he had undergone some operations as fruitless as they were painful. Finding it no longer possible for him to manage alone, he sent to Mr. SMITH to desire that he would play for him, and assist him in conducting the Oratorios.4

In these circumstances the text of Jephtha must have had a special private significance for Handel, surely understood by his librettist. How movingly apt that Handel's last great work, composed despite intermittent bouts of blindness, should have darkness as one of its central unifying motifs. Jephtha's visions are "set in darksome Night"; his wife fears "Scenes of Horror, Scenes of Woe,/ Rising from the Shades below". His daughter rejects the "black Illusions", but no sooner has she welcomed "the chearful Light,/ Driving darkest Shades of Night", than Jephtha sees her, and therefore, by his vow, sees her doomed: "Open thy marble Jaws, O Tomb,/ And hide me, Earth, in thy dark Womb".5  It is a system of images which finds its emotional climax in one of Handel's greatest choruses – 'How dark, O Lord, are thy Decrees'. And it was at this point in the manuscript that Handel wrote his note about his worsening sight. How dark indeed.

But Handel's librettist would naturally find ideas of blindness and insight suitable for the material. Central to the original biblical source of Jephtha - Chapter XI of the Book of Judges - is the oath which binds sight with doom:

And Jephthah vowed a vow unto the LORD, and said, If thou shalt without fail deliver the children of Ammon into mine hands, Then it shall be, that whatsoever cometh forth of the doors of my house to meet me, when I return in peace from the children of Ammon, shall surely be the LORD'S, and I will offer it up for a burnt offering. So Jephthah passed over unto the children of Ammon to fight against them; and the LORD delivered them into his hands. And he smote them [...] with a very great slaughter [...] And Jephthah came [...] unto his house, and, behold, his daughter came out to meet him with timbrels and with dances: and she was his only child [...] And it came to pass, when he saw her, that he rent his clothes, and said, Alas my daughter! 6

But Thomas Morell, fellow of King's College, Cambridge - clergyman, classicist and, previously, librettist for Handel's Judas Maccabaeus and Alexander Balus - turned not only to the Bible for his text of Jephtha, but also to a wide range of other sources. Jephtha had already been the subject of a Latin play by the Renaissance scholar George Buchanan, which gave Morell the characters of Zebul, and Jephtha's wife Storgè, neither of whom appear in the Biblical source. It also gave the name Iphis to the Bible's unnamed daughter, encouraging an obvious parallel with the story of Iphigenia, another drama of female sacrifice. Jephtha had also been the subject of other musical compositions, notably an oratorio by Maurice Greene, Professor of Music at Cambridge, to a text by John Hoadly, which had been produced at the King's Theatre in 1737. This work was certainly used by Morell, but was also known to Handel.7              

The influence of these and other sources means that Morell's libretto is significantly removed from the biblical original. But the most important change by far is apparently Morell's own. His libretto rescues Jephtha's daughter from death. At the moment of impending sacrifice Morell introduces a deus (or rather an angelus) ex machina. The Angel turns out to be a textual critic:

                Rise, Jephtha, -- And, ye reverend Priests, withhold
The slaughtrous Hand. --- No Vow can disannul
The Law of God. --- Nor such was its Intent
When rightly scann'd; --- (p.17, my italics in the last line.)

Iphis instead of being burnt is devoted to a virgin life. On the one hand, this ending might seem to satisfy the kind of eighteenth-century sentiment that preferred to avoid tragic female sacrifice. On the other hand, it offers an answer to the unacceptable face of an implacable Old Testament God, a subject which certainly preoccupies other eighteenth-century meditations on the biblical story. Written some thirty years after Handel's oratorio, for instance, Ann Yearsley's poem on Jephtha's vow expresses a typical humane response; she describes the moment of sacrifice:

Bright Cynthia twice had fill'd her wasted horn:
When the sad hour approach'd, she quits the hills,
And Israel's priests lead on the charming maid.

   The fillet, censer, frankincense, and myrrh,
Are all prepar'd; the altar's blaze ascends
In curling flame; while bigots dare pronounce
The sacrifice acceptable to Heaven.

   Hence, dupes! nor make a Moloch of your God.
Tear not your Infants from the tender breast,
Nor throw your Virgins to consuming fires.
He asks it not [...] 8

Yearsley's poem is entitled 'On Jephtha's Vow, taken in a Literal Sense', but the 'literal sense' of the Bible's oath and its resolution is itself an issue, and Morell was no 'dupe'.  Ruth Smith, in her book on Handel's Oratorios and Eighteenth-Century Thought, draws attention to the crucial ambiguity of the biblical passages (indeed any well-annotated version of the Bible will give the hint).9 Where the Book of Judges has Jephtha's vow as "whatsoever cometh forth [...] to meet me [...] shall surely be the LORD'S, and I will offer it up for a burnt offering" the Hebrew allows the and to be or  ('Judges', XI, 31). It is possible, then, that the vow allows the daughter to be 'made' the Lord's - as a virgin forever - rather than being burnt. Further, after Jephtha has apparently fulfilled his vow, where the Bible has "the daughters of Israel went yearly to lament the daughter of Jephthah" ('Judges', XI, 40), 'lament' can also be translated 'condole with' - in which case she is still clearly alive, and the condolences would refer to her enforced virginity. Morell's libretto, for Handel's oratorio, shows a clear awareness of the exegetical problem - hence the Angel's insistence on 'rightly scanning' the vow. Hence also the details of Jephtha's vow:

    If, Lord, sustain'd by thy almighty Pow'r,
Ammon I drive, and his insulting Bands,
From these our long-uncultivated Lands,
And safe return a glorious Conqueror; ---
What, or who-e'er shall first salute mine Eyes,
Shall be for ever thine, or fall a Sacrifice. --- (p.5, my italics in the last line.)

The critics, then, who have often suggested that Morell's libretto, in saving the daughter's life, does great violence to the original, may have missed a biblical footnote or two. But Morell, naturally, realises that the drama of the narrative depends on the possible sentence of death, not virginity - so though the textual ambiguity will allow a happier denouement it is not allowed to compromise the earlier anticipation of a darker end. True, the libretto is not finally faithful to the spirit of the biblical original - there, whether burnt or sworn to holy but barren chastity, the daughter's fate is tragic and treated as such. Morell, writing in an age when 'virtue' was substitutable for 'virginity', doesn't exactly lament the fate of Iphis:

Happy, Iphis, shalt thou live;
    While to thee the Virgin Choir
    Tune their Harps of golden Wire,
And their yearly Tribute give.

Happy, Iphis, all thy Days,
    (Pure, angelic, Virgin-state,)
    Shalt thou live […] (p.17)

Hamor, the lover invented for the libretto, has to accept Iphis's fate with a strange combination of relief and disappointment, having recently imagined a rather different consummation! But the combination of emotions created by the theme of tragedy averted perfectly suits the oratorio, allowing Handel more dynamic variation. There's nothing strange in the formula - most of Handel's operas, for instance, anticipate darker ends than are actually delivered.

It can still be acknowledged, of course, that the darker side of Morell's text was more compelling to Handel than its comforting conclusion. The composer's treatment of the great chorus, 'How dark, O Lord, are thy Decrees', for instance, gives a clear sense that Handel, touched perhaps by the personal relevance of its message, and impressed by its sense of doom and fatalism, conjured a profoundly moving and tragic utterance.
The words of this chorus also reveal the extent of the librettist's borrowings:

How dark, O Lord, are thy Decrees!
     All hid from mortal Sight!
All our Joys to Sorrow turning,
And our Triumphs into Mourning,
    As the Night succeeds the Day.
         No certain Bliss,
         No solid Peace,
         We Mortals know,
         On Earth below;
Yet on this Maxim still obey;
    Whatever is, is right. (p.15)

Two of these lines are taken almost verbatim from Hoadly's libretto for Greene's 1737 Jephtha, and others were probably suggested by the Buchanan play on the same story. The crucial last line, though, does not derive from one of these main sources, or indeed any Jephtha source. It is, of course, from Pope's Essay on Man. Originally, in fact, Morell had written "What God ordains is right" but Handel preferred a direct quotation and inserted his correction throughout the manuscript.  Handel, following Morell's hint, has also changed completely the effect of the words. Morell's echo of Pope is not, in its emphasis on misery, exactly in keeping with the spirit of Pope's passage which the words conclude. Pope is urging the status quo. His God is the God of oxymorons, uniting the opposites with perfect art. We should submit to God's most complex order: we are safe and secure in his often unfathomed pattern:

Cease then, nor ORDER Imperfection name:
Our proper bliss depends on what we blame.
Know thy own point: This kind, this due degree
Of blindness, weakness, Heav'n bestows on thee.
Submit - In this, or any other sphere,
Secure to be as blest as thou canst bear:
Safe in the hand of one disposing Pow'r,
Or in the natal, or the mortal hour.
All Nature is but Art, unknown to thee;
All Chance, Direction, which thou canst not see;
All Discord, Harmony, not understood;
All partial Evil, universal Good:
And, spite of Pride, in erring Reason's spite,
One truth is clear, 'Whatever IS, is RIGHT.' 10

Applied to the oratorio, on one level these lines are prophetic. Iphis will be relatively "Safe in the hand of one disposing Pow'r" as the Angel will finally reveal the commuting of her sentence. But this end is in the next Part, and Handel's chorus represents the height of despair at the end of Part II. How different, then, is the tone of Pope's passage from Handel's dark and imposing expression of our helplessness - we are not happy to accept our destiny: we have no choice. The thought that God might have a plan for us which includes the sacrifice of our only child, makes right a matter of power not justice. Our 'due degree' of blindness leads us to anything but happy complacency.

Pope's lines are part of his scheme to "vindicate the ways of God to Man", in his own version of Milton's great agenda for Paradise Lost, which aims to "justify the ways of God to men". And it's not only Pope who echoes Milton. Here are the words of another Chorus from Jephtha:

Theme sublime of endless Praise,
Just and righteous are thy Ways;
And thy Mercies still endure,
Ever faithful, ever sure. (pp.17-18)

The direct quotation from Milton, here, is taken from the refrain to his version of the 136th Psalm, which begins:


Let us with a gladsome mind
Praise the Lord, for he is kind
            For his mercies aye endure,
            Ever faithful, ever sure.11

This seems to imply a rather different God from the one whose decrees are dark and awful. This seems to be the merciful God who triumphs at the end of Jephtha. But the full message of this Miltonic Psalm actually concerns the delivery of the Israelites. Celebrated, then, as a sign of God's enduring mercies is his "thunder-clasping hand" which smites "the first-born of Egypt land", and the "bloody battle" where he "brought down/Kings of prowess and renown". Morell understood the full significance of his own Miltonic borrowing. It perfectly suits the ambiguity of the libretto, torn as it is between a God of violence and mercy. And included in the 'Psalm', perhaps the thematic link which first suggested the borrowing to Morell, is a direct reference to the biblical history which precedes the subject of the oratorio:

He foiled bold Seon and his host,
That ruled the Amorrean coast [...] 12

Before vowing his vow in the Book of Judges, Jephtha reminds the Amorites that previously God has already given over the disputed land to the Israelites, destroying their King: "And the LORD God of Israel delivered Sihon and all his people into the hand of Israel, and they smote them" ('Judges', XI, 21). In moving beyond the Jephtha sources and weaving his libretto from miscellaneous poetic fragments, Morell manages to convey echoes of the broader biblical context. Two chapters further in the Book of Judges, of course, we will encounter another great war-hero, God's scourge, and deliverer of Israel, himself the subject of a great Handel oratorio - Samson. And we can find him in Jephtha too, if we return to that chorus which first suggested the reference to Milton, where "Just and righteous are thy Ways". There is perhaps another textual echo, here, though rather less explicit. Here are the words of Newburgh Hamilton’s libretto for Handel's Samson, the source being Milton's Samson Agonistes:

Just are the Ways of God to Man,
Let none his secret Actions scan;
For all is best, tho' oft' we doubt
Of what his Wisdom brings about:
Still his unsearchable Dispose
Blesses the Righteous in the close.13

It would be difficult to get closer to the spirit and message of Pope's celebration of God's unquestionable purpose than this. Again we find the central idea of trusting to God's benign, if unfathomable, plan, the important thing being not to presume, not to over-reach. But this gives an eighteenth-century slant to the re-writing of the Milton. Samson Agonistes does dare to question God's purposes for us, and does so not with such neat eighteenth-century couplets, but with tortuous and irregular blank verse: here is the chorus addressing Milton's Samson, ultimately the source of our line from Jephtha:

Just are the ways of God,
And justifiable to men;
Unless there be who think not God at all,
If any be, they walk obscure [...] 14

This is quintessentially Miltonic in its elliptical complexity - the ways of God may be straightforwardly 'just', but not inasmuch as they are to be understood by men, some of who might "think not God at all". It's almost as if there isn't a natural grammar for atheism. Those who "think not God" must "walk obscure". But the appalling irony, here, is that the lines are spoken to Samson, who is "eyeless in Gaza". Samson, as deliverer of the Israelites, struggles to understand that the ways of God are just - as he is at this moment blinded and enslaved.

Once again, then, to follow one of Morell's echoes is to return to the problem of Jephtha. If God's ways are just their justice is not always obvious. Jephtha's family is supposed to learn the lesson, the same lesson of Pope's "whatever is is right", but in the midst of suffering they cry out against this message. We walk obscure if we walk without God, but apparently we also walk obscure when we walk with him. It's a message that could hardly be missed by Handel, trying to compose what will be his last great work, marking his blindness in the margin of a manuscript whose subject is the darkness of the Lord's decrees.

Blindness, at least partial, has also clouded our understanding of the composition of the libretto for Jephtha. The main problem, here, is that though Morell had identified passages as 'borrowings' he had not indicated the exact sources, which remained obscure, and allowed Dean his conjecture about collaboration:

When visiting his old college at Cambridge Morell had only to walk the few yards from King's to Peterhouse to find a very respectable poet in Thomas Gray, with whom he may have been acquainted. Gray published his Elegy, his fourth poem to appear in print, on 15 February 1751, while Handel was composing Jephtha, and was then at work on his Odes.15

Scholarship has now taken us further in our knowledge of the true sources, since Dean first put this suggestion forward in 1959. Ruth Smith has cleared up Dean's mistake in attributing the earlier Jephtha libretto to Burnet rather than Hoadly, and notes a direct borrowing from that source, as well as detailing the general indebtedness to George Buchanan's play (Jephthes, sive Votum, 1554).16 But many of the literary borrowings have remained obscure. Of course Morell's reluctance explicitly to acknowledge his sources has never been a problem with well-known passages from Milton and Pope, but lesser-known borrowings have been a problem.  For Dean only "one line" had been identified from the passages noted by the librettist as 'quotations' . But even confident attributions are subject to uncertainty. Dean confirms Addison as the source of the Chorus line: "They ride on Whirlwinds, and direct the Storms" (p.9). This apparent certainty is not quite as secure as it seems, as the line itself is the subject of an intertextual process. Addison's line in The Campaign (1705) describes Marlborough's victory; the hero, like an angel commanded by God:

 ... pleas'd th'Almighty's Orders to perform,
Rides in the Whirl-wind, and directs the Storm.17

This seems the unequivocal source. But it might have been more logical, as he was certainly reading Pope, for Morell to take the prompt for the line from The Dunciad, where it was used verbatim (with due attribution from Pope) in a satirical attack on the theatre director Rich:


Immortal Rich! how calm he sits at ease
Mid snows of paper, and fierce hail of pease;
And proud his mistress' orders to perform,
Rides in the whirlwind, and directs the storm.18

To reconstruct the processes that went into the creation of the libretto it makes sense to think of the patterns of reading that would constitute the necessary research for a project like Jephtha. As we know Morell had been reading Pope and Milton, it's not surprising to find complex echoes from each. But Morell was doing more than finding fine lines for his text from the acknowledged literary greats. He was also researching the subject of the biblical story - the sacrifice of a child; the death of a daughter - in poetic and classical analogues (in fact the project was perfectly suited to his combination of skills as classicist, literary scholar, and biblical exegete). Dean had believed that the air
'Open thy marble Jaws, O Tomb' was a possible example of privately contributed lines. But the original source is much more interesting. Here is Morell's passage:

Open thy marble Jaws, O Tomb,
And hide me, Earth, in thy dark Womb:
Ere I the Name of Father stain,
And deepest Woe from Conquest gain. (p.12)

And here is the possibly direct source:

Open thy marble Jaws, O Tomb,
Thou Earth conceal me in thy Womb! 19

These lines are found in William Broome's Poems on Several Occasions (1727). But the exact source is more interesting than the mere fact of the borrowing. The poem that Morell went to in that volume was entitled 'Melancholy: An Ode, Occasion'd by the Death of a beloved Daughter, 1723'. There is clearly a thematic method behind the borrowings. Just as Morell had used the symbolic theme of 'blindness' to provide the kind of textual links we have observed above, so he also looked for materials in keeping with the concern of the biblical story - a story about the possible sacrifice of a child, as lamented by the parent. It must have been this theme, with the added aptness of the sense of parental responsibility, which sent him to the period's favourite translation of Virgil's Aeneid. Again the relevant passage from Morell was thought by Dean to have been provided privately; here are Morell's words:

         Some dire Event hangs o'er our Heads,
Some woful Song we have to sing
In Misery extreme. --- O, never, never
Was my foreboding Mind distress’d before
With such incessant Pangs. --- (p.6)

The lines faintly recall the opening of The Rape of the Lock ("What dire Offence from am'rous Causes springs") and even the fateful mock-epic anticipations of Pope's sylphs, but this is because Pope himself is encouraging intertextual echoes. Here is a better candidate for the real source, from the tenth book of Virgil's Aeneid, in Dryden's translation:

Far off he heard their cries, far off divined
The dire event with a foreboding mind.20

That this echo should have occurred to Morell confirms our sense of his method. The context is the death of Lausus, whose father, Mezentius, has braved Aeneas in battle,  finally suffering a crippling blow. As he has been trying to retire from the field his son Lausus sees his plight and, rash with filial honour, has rushed to face the Trojan Prince in an unequal battle, ready to die to protect his father. Aeneas is provoked and deals Lausus a fatal blow, but then immediately honours the vanquished son for his nobility and bravery. Meanwhile Mezentius ("his father (now no father)") has reached the Tiber for relief, only to have the corpse of his son brought to him, which, as it approaches, prompts the lines that Morell echoes. He continues:

To see my son, and such a son, resign
His life a ransom for preserving mine?
And am I then preserved, and art thou lost?
How much too dear had that redemption cost! 21

The situation has obvious and ironic correspondences with the story of Jephtha, where the warrior is preserved in battle only to find that his oath must mean the doom of his daughter.

We can begin then, in examining possible sources for Jephtha, to construct the practice of its librettist - in the imaginative knitting together of quotations from sources which thematically or symbolically have some affinity.

We know that Morell wasn't engaged in simple plagiarism, because of the textual acknowledgement that a number of marked passages were borrowed (as is true of both the passage from Broome and the echo of Dryden's Virgil, though inconveniently the source is, of course, not named). It is, though, possible to go further and conjecture on the possibility of learned and subtle acknowledgement.

From the discussion of some of the Miltonic borrowings (and there are others - he provides more source passages than any other author, including, as Dean noted, imagery and verbatim reference to the Nativity Ode ('On the morning of Christ's Nativity')22, it is clear that our librettist certainly knows his Milton. Why, then, does he apparently misquote Milton?

Happy, Iphis, shalt thou live;
    While to thee the Virgin Choir
    Tune their Harps of golden Wire,
And their yearly Tribute give. (p. 17)

The echo, here, aptly for a work of music, is from Milton's 'At A Solemn Music':

And the cherubic host in thousand choirs
Touch their immortal harps of golden wires 23

Why substitute the mundane "tune" for the magnificent "touch"? Is this just evidence of low level literary theft, with a hint of disguise? It is more plausibly a kind of literary joke. The Milton echo had already been followed for another Handel libretto - none other than Samson, written by Hamilton. Here is the passage from Samson:

Let the Cherubick Host, in tuneful Choirs,
Touch their immortal Harps with golden wires.  (p.32)

It certainly seems possible, then, that Morell is echoing Handel/Hamilton echoing Milton, and picking up the aptness of  'tuneful' for an oratorio. And, perhaps not surprisingly, Morell may have reserved one of his subtlest acknowledgements for his borrowings from Milton. We have already quoted the intense Miltonic echoes in the chorus 'Theme sublime'- finding an indirect reference in the second line ("Just and righteous are thy Ways") and direct quotation in the third and fourth lines, but the "theme sublime" itself certainly sounds like a Miltonic inversion. It is possible, though, that the source is not Milton himself, but a certain 'commendatory poem' 'On Paradise Lost'.  This poem ends:

Thy verse created like thy theme sublime,
In number, weight, and measure, needs not rhyme.24

The poem is by Andrew Marvell, and as it was prefaced to the second and subsequent editions of Paradise Lost, the lover of Milton would have it always to hand. How apt that in a network of references to Milton, Morell should quote one of the earliest poetical tributes to Paradise Lost. To look at the opening of Marvell's poem itself is additionally to find the direct connection between light and sight so important to Milton, Morell, Jephtha, and Handel:

   When I beheld the poet blind, yet bold,
In slender book, his vast design unfold,
Messiah crowned [...] 25

Is it too fanciful to imagine Morell, reading these lines, noting the aptness which links a sightless Milton creating his Messiah to a Handel, whose sight was failing, famous for his Messiah?

Or is it fanciful, again, to suggest there is a subtle acknowledgement in this source for the learned. Marvell has been momentarily concerned that Milton's success is such that some "less skilful hand" might turn creation into a facile play; but he has retracted this fear with the lines:

But I am now convinced, and none will dare
Within thy labours to pretend a share.
Thou hast not missed one thought that could be fit,
And all that was improper dost omit:
So that no room is here for writers left,
But to detect their ignorance or theft.26

It seems more than coincidental that the libretto should echo a source which explicitly considers literary theft, and concludes, with a kind of seventeenth-century anxiety of influence, that all other writers on themes sublime can do is to steal from Milton.

Not only, then, was Morell working to a clear method in gathering his materials and piecing them together to form a libretto, but he was doing so with wit and intelligence - creating a work which drew on the range of his knowledge and making allusive virtue of the symbolic combination of circumstances which found, in blindness and darkness, insight and light. It's fitting that the central reference for this overarching theme -  "How dark, O Lord, are thy Decrees!/ All hid from mortal Sight!" - should find its anticipation in a passage from one of the eighteenth-century's most important classical sources - Horace, as paraphrased by one of Morell's favoured interpreters of the ancients - Dryden:

But God has wisely hid from human sight
   The dark decrees of future fate,
   And sown their seeds in depth of night [...] 27

As classical, biblical and literary scholar, Morell would have delighted in the intertextual coincidences that allowed his several themes to merge in echoes linking the heathen with the Christian age.



Notes
1. Winton Dean, Handel's Dramatic Oratorios and Masques (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1959), 592.
2. Otto Erich Deutsch, Handel: A Documentary Biography (London: Adam and Charles Black, 1955), 734.
3. Deutsch, 701.
4. John Mainwaring, Memoirs of the Life of the Late George Frederic Handel (London: R. and J. Dodsley,1760), 138.
5. All quotations from Jephtha are taken from Jephtha, An Oratorio. Or, Sacred Drama. As it is Perform’d at the Theatre-Royal in Covent-Garden. Set to Musick by Mr. Handel. (London: J. Watts and B. Dod, 1752). Here the passages quoted are found on pages 5, 6, 7, 11, and 12, respectively. Further page references to this edition are given in brackets after quotations.
6. All quotations from the Bible are taken from the Authorized King James Version, edited by Robert Carroll and Stephen Prickett (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 1997). Here the quotation is from 'Judges', XI, 30-35.
7. For a full discussion, see Ruth Smith, Handel's Oratorios and Eighteenth-Century Thought (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 338-40.
8. Ann Yearsley, 'On Jephtha's Vow, taken in a Literal Sense', lines 87-97, in Poems, on Various Subjects. By Ann Yearsley, A Milkwoman of Clifton, Near Bristol; Being Her Second Work (London: G. G. J. and J. Robinson, 1787), 137-38.
9. Smith, 343.
10. Alexander Pope, An Essay on Man, Epistle I, lines 281-94, edited by Maynard Mack (London and New Haven: Methuen and Yale University Press, 1950), 49-51.
11. John Milton, 'Psalm cxxxvi', lines 1-4 in The Poems of John Milton, edited by John Carey and Alastair Fowler (London and Harlow: Longman's, 1968), 7.
12. John Milton, 'Psalm cxxxvi', lines 65-68 in The Poems of John Milton, 9.
13. All quotations from Samson are taken from Samson. An Oratorio. As it is Perform’d at the Theatre-Royal in Covent-Garden. Alter’d and adapted to the Stage from the Samson Agonistes of John Milton. Set to Musick by George Frederick Handel. (London: J. and R. Tonson, 1743). Here the passage quoted is found on page 14. Further page references to this edition are given in brackets after quotations.
14. John Milton, 'Samson Agonistes', lines 293-96 in The Poems of John Milton, 357.
15. Dean, 593.
16. Smith, 340.
17. Joseph Addison, The Campaign, A Poem, To His Grace the Duke of Marlborough, second edition (London: Jacob Tonson, 1705), lines 291-92, 14.
18. Alexander Pope, The Dunciad, Book III, lines 257-60, edited by James Sutherland (London and New Haven: Methuen and Yale University Press, 1963), 179.
19. William Broome, 'Melancholy: An Ode, Occasion'd by the Death of a beloved Daughter, 1723', lines 17-18, in Poems on Several Occasions (London: Bernard Lintot,  1727), 45.
20. The Aeneid of Virgil, translated by John Dryden, Book X, lines 1201-02, edited by Robert Fitzgerald (New York and London: Macmillan, 1964), 338.
21. The Aeneid of Virgil, translated by John Dryden, Book X, lines 1208-11, 339.
22. Dean, 593.
23. John Milton, 'At A Solemn Music', lines 12-13, in The Poems of John Milton, 163.
24. Andrew Marvell, 'On Paradise Lost', lines 53-54, in The Poems of John Milton, 456.
25. Andrew Marvell, 'On Paradise Lost', lines 1-3, in The Poems of John Milton, 455.
26. Andrew Marvell, 'On Paradise Lost', lines 25-30, in The Poems of John Milton, 456.
27. John Dryden, 'The Twenty-ninth Ode of the Third Book of Horace', lines 45-47, in The Oxford Authors: John Dryden, edited by Keith Walker (Oxford and New York, Oxford University Press, 1987), 303.








Tuesday, 30 May 2000

Radamisto and the Royal Academy


The following is a draft for a radio programme, presented as ‘Handel, Radamisto, and the Royal Academy’, produced by Paul Hindmarsh, for BBC Radio Manchester, BBC Radio 3, 30/5/2000.

Handel, Radamisto, and the Royal Academy
There are few works as important to the history of opera in England as Handel's Radamisto, the first of his operas for the Royal Academy of Music. Its production, in 1720, confirmed Handel's place as the greatest composer of Italian opera in London, and helped open a phase which would see London become the opera capital of the world. Over the next few years, during the first period of the Royal Academy which ended in 1728, Handel would follow the brilliance of Radamisto with other masterpieces for the English stage - including  Giulio Cesare, Tamerlano, and Rodelinda - to be sung by the best singers money could buy.

There had been  Italian opera successes in London before, though they'd always been controversial. Early in the century, before Handel's arrival, commentators such as John Dennis had set the stage for attacking what was essentially seen as an effeminate and un-British Italian diversion "of more pernicious consequence, than the most licentious Play that ever has appeared upon the Stage", depending on the practice of "Arts which Nature has bestow'd upon effeminate Nations, but denied to [us] as below the Dignity of [our] Country, and the Majesty of the British Genius."

The literary establishment, if more balanced in its judgement,  joined in the critique, and Addison and Steele's Spectator pilloried the rising form in a series of satirical articles:

If the Italians have a Genius for Musick above the English, the English have a Genius for other Performances of a much higher Nature, and capable of giving the Mind a much nobler Entertainment.

Even Handel's first London success with Italian opera - his Rinaldo of 1711 - was satirized for its spectacular excesses. Addison, the author of the attack, gave as an anecdote an interview with a fellow carrying a cage full of sparrows on his shoulder; when asked what they were for he replies 'for the opera': "Sparrows for the opera, says his Friend, licking his Lips, what are they to be roasted?". "No, no, says the other, they are to enter towards the end of the first Act, to fly about the Stage".

But, whatever the critics might say about such entertainments, the opera public loved them. Handel's Rinaldo was one of the greatest successes of the period. The publication of its songs alone was reputed to have made their publisher some fifteen hundred pounds. The course of Handel's commitment to Italian opera was firmly established. He returned to Hanover in 1712, but was back the next season with Teseo. Soon, after several other Italian productions, Handel was an established figure in London. He had already received a state pension, and had found welcoming lodgings with the Duke of Chandos and the Earl of Burlington, the greatest patron of the period,. With the Hanoverian succession complete, Handel found not only the support of Earls and Dukes, but of his own German patron, the Elector of Hanover, now George the First. Radamisto would be dedicated to the King, who, in return, would allow Handel a royal privilege of copyright, first to be used for the same opera:

Whereas George Fredrick Handel, of our City of London, Gent. hath humbly represented to Us, That he hath with great Labour and Expence composed several Works, consisting of Vocal and Instrumental MUSICK, in order to be Printed and Published; and hath therefore besought Us to grant him Our Royal Privilege and Licence for the sole Printing and Publishing thereof for the Term of Fourteen Years: We being willing to give all due Encouragement to Works of this Nature, are graciously pleased to condescend to his Request.


The right patronage was now available for the most remarkable venture in English opera history. As Handel's first biographer, Mainwaring, observed:

A project was formed by the Nobility for erecting an academy at the Haymarket. The intention of this musical Society, was to secure to themselves a constant supply of Operas to be composed by HANDEL, and performed under his direction.

In an unprecedented expression of artistic venture capital (with little promise of return, considering the enormous cost of opera productions) £10,000 of stock in the new company was bought by an elite group of investors, the King allowing an annual £1,000 to support the scheme. So began, giving a peculiarly capitalist slant to its title, the period of the Royal ‘Academy’ of Music in the early months of 1719.

On February 21st the Original Weekly Journal announced that Handel had gone abroad to gather together  "the choicest Singers in Europe" for the new company.

So exciting was news of the venture that this journal had actually anticipated Handel's departure by three months.  On May 14th the Lord Chamberlain, as Governor of the new Academy, issued a warrant to 'Mr Hendel to procure Singers for the English Stage':

Whereas His Majesty has been graciously Pleas'd to Grant Letters Patents to the Severall Lords and Gent [lemen] mention'd in the Annext List for the Encouragement of Operas for and during the Space of Twenty one Years, and Likewise as a further encouragement has been graciously Pleas'd to Grant a Thousand Pounds p[er].A [nnum]. for the Promotion of this design. ... You forthwith to repair to Italy, Germany or such other Place or Places as you shall think proper, there to make Contracts with such Singer or Singers as you shall judge fit to perform on the English Stage. ...


The warrant appended specific instruction to Handel:



    That Mr Hendel either by himself of such Correspondenc[e] as he shall think fit procure proper Voices to Sing in the Opera for one Year and no more....
    That Mr Hendel engage Senezino as soon as possible to Serve the said Company and for as many Years as may be.
    That in case Mr Hendel meet with an excellent Voice of the first rate he is to Acquaint the Govr and Company forthwith of it and upon what Terms he or She may be had.


Italian opera was now a cosmopolitan enterprise and Handel went not to Italy but to Dresden where the Elector of Saxony had gathered one of the finest opera companies in Europe. Though the Academy had to wait until the end of 1720 to secure its star attraction, the castrato Senesino, Handel returned having secured the services of the famous soprano Margherita Durastanti and other signings soon followed. Durastanti was to take the title role in the first production of Radamisto (which Senesino would take over when he arrived for the second production), and although the librettist and first secretary of the Royal Academy, Paolo Rolli, had described her as "a bad choice for England" with the odd justification that she was "an elephant", Handel was certainly impressed with her voice, and had written for her previously both in Rome and Venice. She was to receive five hundred pounds for three months from March and a further eleven hundred pounds if she stayed for the next fifteen months. Italian Opera with these international stars, was scandalously expensive. London was paying more than any other city for the most celebrated voices available. The celebrated prima donna Faustina, who would follow Durastanti to England in the same decade to sing for Handel could earn seven hundred and fifty pounds a year more in London than in Venice. This was speculative investment on a grand scale, and one parallel in particular appealed to the satirists. Several notices in 'The Theatre' magazine, edited ironically enough by Richard Steele, whose Spectator had ridiculed Handel's first London opera nine years previously, made the association clear. March the first's edition commented tersely: 'Yesterday South Sea was 174. Opera Company 83, and a half. No transfer.' The second, a week later, developed the humour:

At the Rehearsal on Friday last, Signior NIHILINI BENEDITTI rose half a note above his Pitch formerly known. Opera Stock from 83 and a half, when he began; at 90 when he ended.

The campaign came to an elaborate conclusion on the 12th of March, with a letter purporting to be from 'Musidorus':

'Sir,
            Your last Paper very rightly and with great Justice, notify'd to the Town the Rise of the Opera-Stock, occasion'd by the elevation of half a Note above the usual Pitch of Signior Beneditti. I hope, Sir, you will allow no one hereafter to call him no Man, when you shall have heard from me, how much he is a Man of Honour. It happen'd, Sir, in the casting the Parts for the new Opera, that he had been, as he conceiv'd greatly injur'd; and, the other Day apply'd to the Board of Directors [...] for Redress. He set forth, in the recitative Tone, the nearest approaching ordinary Speech, that he had never acted any thing, in any other Opera, below the Character of a Sovereign; or, at least, a Prince of the Blood; and now he was appointed to be a Captain of the Guard, and a Pimp ... he found Friends, and was made a Prince.'

Vertiginous salaries, very high voices - hitting notes musical and raising notes sterling: the parallel is a gift to the authors, here. They cannot resist, of course, typically robust English humour about the castrati - the name 'Nihilini Beneditti' compounds the earlier castrato star of London's opera stage - the Nicolini of Handel's Rinaldo - with a tenor in the present company, Benedetto Baldassari. Actually, the anecdote about refusing to play such a minor role almost certainly relates to Baldassari's role of Fraarte in the first production of Radamisto.  The improbable 'rise' of a male castrato voice finds its metaphorical equivalent in the rise of South Sea stock. The idea that the 'he' who has been "greatly injured", should not be called 'no man' is a joke about castration - hence he is only a 'man of honour'. 'NIHILINI', plays on 'nihil' - nothing, thing of no value, or, in legal terms 'being found without the goods'.


In the summer of 1720, between first and second productions of Radamisto the South Sea Bubble actually did burst. Rolli, in the same letter which announced the arrival to London of the most famous castrato of his day - Senesino - also commented on the current financial disaster: "My dear Riva, what ruination has the Southsea crash caused! The whole nobility is at its last gasp; only gloomy faces are to be seen. "  Handel himself must have lost money, for he had certainly invested at least five hundred pounds in the scheme. But the nobility was certainly not at its last gasp, as it could still afford to pay Senesino an unprecedented fee of  £2,000, an astonishing amount at the time.

And if London, in 1720, was in a fever about the stock market, it certainly seemed almost equally excited about Italian opera.  The Royal Academy's first season opened with Giovanni Porta's opera Numitore on April 2nd, 1720, little more than an appetizer for Handel's first Academy production  of Radamisto. Senesino hadn't arrived yet, but the fervour of anticipation was none the less for that. The first night, on April 27th, according to Mainwaring, was a night to remember:

If persons who are now living, and who were present at that performance may be credited, the applause it received was almost as extravagant as his AGRIPPINA had excited: the crowds and tumults of the house at Venice were hardly equal to those at LONDON. In so splendid and fashionable an assembly of ladies (to the excellence of their taste we must impute it) there was no shadow of form, or ceremony, scarce indeed any appearance of order or regularity, politeness or decency. Many, who had forc'd their way into the house with an impetuosity but ill suited to their rank and sex, actually fainted through the excessive heat and closeness of it. Several gentlemen were turned back, who had offered forty shillings for a seat in the gallery, after having despaired of getting any in the pit or boxes.

Those who made it were not disappointed. Handel, always ready and able to rise to an occasion like this, had composed a masterpiece. For the second production, eight months later,  he was able to call on the spectacular Senesino for the title role, and the consequent re-arranging of parts, and additional writing to suit and emphasise his voice led to a significantly new version: Applebee's 'Original Weekly Journal' for the 31st December, 1720, recorded another successful first night:

On Wednesday Night [the 28th] the Royal Family with a great Number of the Nobility, etc. were to see the New Opera, call's Rhadamistus ... Signior Nicoleni, the famous Italian Eunuch, is newly arriv'd here from Venice, and Sang last Wednesday Night at the New Opera with great Applause.


This wasn't the only report to mix up Nicolini with the actual performer Senesino. The identity of the performer was obviously less noteworthy to the uninitiated than the fact that he was a castrato. In fact the association between the two was natural enough, and not only because they were reported to look alike. The directors of the Royal Academy certainly knew that the sensational castrati had special pulling power. Nicolini had been the first great castrato to perform in England and Senesino was following in his glorious footsteps to establish an even greater age of Italian opera.

Both versions of Radamisto were worthy of its important place in the history of opera in London.

Not only did Handel reveal a complete mastery of the high heroic mode of opera seria, but also revealed his profoundest capacity to move. The most famous of the opera's arias was (and of course, remains) Radamisto's 'Ombra cara', where the hero laments the 'dear shade' of his wife who he mistakenly believes dead. It's an aria which almost beggars description. 'Of  'Ombra Cara', confess two modern scholars, 'it is difficult to write in measured terms'. In this they agreed with eighteenth-century commentators. Burney noted:

Too much praise cannot be given to that song ... I remember Reginelli sing the air at the opera in 1747, among some light Italian songs of that period, and it seemed the language of philosophy and science, and the rest the frivolous jargon of fops and triflers.

But Handel treats all the parts with an equally musical mastery of emotion. Take one of Polissena's early arias. Here is Polissena, a loving and duteous wife of a tyrannical and unfaithful husband. Having pleaded for mercy for her brother and father, she has been abruptly dismissed prompting this poignant aria of lament: 'Tu vuoi ch'io parta'' (You wish me to go, I go'). Handel devises a simple, unaffected, setting for her emotion, expressing perfectly her artless integrity. Usually in the arias of the period there is an intrumental introduction to the voice (called the  'ritornello' because it returns as a refrain between sections). But not here, as Polissena sings directly, spontaneously, from the heart. Yearning and sadness are perfectly bound together in the aria, with numerous dramatic rests expressive of the apparent hopelessness of her situation; she has so many contradictory feelings they keep stopping her short. Her unrequited love, though, is eloquent, as she refers to her husband as 'idolo del mio cor' though a 'but' causes further pause. She will leave the 'idol of her heart', duteously, 'but' 'senza core' - 'without heart'. Such arias are wonderful in themselves, and it's understandable that we often only know of Handel's operas through the fame of their best songs. But to hear single arias out of context is to lose much of their beauty and power. In a great opera like Radamisto each aria has its place within the whole scheme, contributing to a complex portrait of character, and helping to create, in its relationship with the rest of the opera, thematic and narrative coherence. Indeed, because the opera was so significantly revised for its second production we can even see the development of Handel's practice in this sense. Much later in the opera Polissena will be dismissed once more, again after pleading for her father and brother. Handel obviously saw the opportunity of developing the pattern, here, and substituted a new aria for the second production. Again Polissena opens without introduction, again her feelings are expressed as soon as felt, without disguise or artifice. But her remarkable patience is almost at an end, and she sings to her husband, 'Barbaro! partirò', in an explosive burst of truly righteous indignation. Again she will go, but if he is so barbarous that all her pleading will come to nothing, then he had better beware. The second aria echoes the first, structurally and verbally,  but there is a new spirit to the singer's complaint, capturing perfectly the building sense of catastrophe in the opera. The reasonable and the dutiful have been reasonable and dutiful enough, and if Kings cannot behave honourably then they will have honourable behaviour forced upon them!

This is the key to the success of Handel's greatest heroic operas. The action is always significantly public and every turn of events has implication for the fate of nations. The trumpets and horns of Handel's score regularly and magnificently emphasise the outcome of battles, the glory of triumphs, and the vainglory of the mighty. But the heroic code explores the relationship between character and action: the deed expresses the self. These dramas, then, become dramas of character, as the private world of relationships, personalities, and wills dominates the public stage of consequences.

Handel's Radamisto has everything opera seria usually has. The opera excels in all the conventional subjects of the period: it has the battle arias, where the great warriors call their troups to arms; it has the simile arias, where emotion is dramatised by comparison (so Radamisto, in crisis, compares his situation to that of a ship in storm without harbour or light to guide it); it has its arias of vengeance and complaint, all threaded together with noble recitative. But the sum of its parts raises it beyond any of its often compelling details. Handel, for his first great Academy production, brought his own miracles to bear on the conventions. In doing so he created not only a unified and coherent piece of musical drama, but one which explores the human heart in all its aspects. The dynamic range of the opera's emotions is remarkable: it moves from lament, fear, foreboding, tragic suffering. and melancholy despair through to optimism, triumph and eventually joy. The music carries us through these emotions, from spare, sombre settings which evoke the deepest sense of grief and loss, through  virtuoso displays of defiance and anger, to the ornaments of love and celebration. The opera was the perfect vehicle for its new star singers - by turns they could affect the audience with moving, plaintive, lyricism and astonish them with vocal acrobatics. They may have come for the money, but participating in Handel's greatest period of opera would have left them with a whole new musical education.
Possible edits:
1.  The following quotation can be omitted, with no changes necessary to the text around it:

Whereas George Fredrick Handel, of our City of London, Gent. hath humbly represented to Us, That he hath with great Labour and Expence composed several Works, consisting of Vocal and Instrumental MUSICK, in order to be Printed and Published; and hath therefore besought Us to grant him Our Royal Privilege and Licence for the sole Printing and Publishing thereof for the Term of Fourteen Years: We being willing to give all due Encouragement to Works of this Nature, are graciously pleased to condescend to his Request.

2. The following passage (A) can be replaced with the abbreviation (B):
(A)
On May 14th the Lord Chamberlain, as Governor of the new Academy, issued a warrant to 'Mr Hendel to procure Singers for the English Stage':

Whereas His Majesty has been graciously Pleas'd to Grant Letters Patents to the Severall Lords and Gent [lemen] mention'd in the Annext List for the Encouragement of Operas for and during the Space of Twenty one Years, and Likewise as a further encouragement has been graciously Pleas'd to Grant a Thousand Pounds p[er].A [nnum]. for the Promotion of this design. ... You forthwith to repair to Italy, Germany or such other Place or Places as you shall think proper, there to make Contracts with such Singer or Singers as you shall judge fit to perform on the English Stage. ...

The warrant appended specific instruction to Handel:

(B)
On May 14th the Lord Chamberlain, as Governor of the new Academy, issued a warrant to 'Mr Hendel' " forthwith to repair to Italy, Germany or such other Place or Places as you shall think proper, there to make Contracts with such Singer or Singers as you shall judge fit to perform on the English Stage. ...". The warrant appended specific instruction






Monday, 5 August 1996

Semele: An English Opera?


This is a draft script for a scripted interlude for a BBC Radio 3 Proms production of Semele, produced by Fiona Shelmerdine, BBC Radio 3, broadcast 5/8/96.

From 1742, when Handel returned to London from his famous production of Messiah in Dublin, through to the first performance of Semele in February 1744 something remarkable happened to the reputation of Handel. The composer whose single greatest musical commitment had been to the composing of Italian opera, and to the establishment of successful opera seria in London, the composer of over forty operas who had completely transformed English musical culture, suddenly found himself described as the scourge of opera. Less than a week after the first night of Samson, in February 1743 Horace Walpole was writing: “Handel has set up an Oratorio against the Operas, and succeeds”. Exactly one year later, with the production of Semele, the theme of the rivalry with opera was still current. One of Handel’s most devoted musical followers, Mrs Delany wrote to her sister:

“Semele is charming; the more I hear it the better I like it, and as I am a subscriber I shall not fail one night ... They say Samson is to be next Friday, for Semele has a strong party against it, viz. the fine ladies, petit maîtres, and ignoramus’s. All the opera people are enraged at Handel ...”

Both Walpole and Mrs Delany were referring to the same musico-political struggle.

By 1741 Handel had composed his last Italian opera - Deidama - and had, whether he was conscious of the finality of it or not, therefore sacrificed at last his practising dedication to the musical pre-eminence of opera seria. This sacrifice was almost certainly against his private conviction, but a complicated pattern of pressures dictated, gradually in the 1730s, and then more emphatically at the beginning of the next decade that his musical future lay in the composition of English oratorios not Italian operas.

From the beginning of Handel’s career in London there had always been an English lobby, championed, for instance, by Joseph Addison in the pages of The Spectator, which saw the singing of operas in England, in Italian, as absurd. By 1728, with the end of the first period of The Royal Academy of Music, what were seen as the excesses of Italian opera were being parodied in the most successful stage play of the eighteenth century - John Gay’s The Beggar’s Opera.  But in the 1730s the champions of English words found the perfect musical expression for their cause - not in the production of operas in English, but in the development of a new form - the English oratorio. Ironically it was Handel’s own music - an unauthorised but sympathetic production of Esther in 1732 - that was to signal the future of his career. The production was the talk of the town and soon other unauthorised versions were being announced in the press. Handel had to respond, and his own production of Esther was advertised for May 2nd, 1732. A satirical letter published in the same year captured the success of oratorio, and Handel’s prophetic involvement in the new fashion:

“I left the Italian Opera, the house was so thin, and cross’d over the way to the English one, which was so full I was forc’d to crowd in upon the Stage ... This alarm’d Handel, and out he brings an Oratorio, or Religious Farce, for the duce take me if I can make any other Construction on the Word, but he has made a very good Farce of it, and put near 4,000l. in his Pocket. This being a new Thing set the whole World a Madding; Han’t you be at the Oratorio, says one? Oh! If you don’t see the Oratorio you see nothing, says t’other; so away goes I to the Oratorio, where I saw indeed the finest Assembly of People I ever beheld in my Life, but, to my great Surprize found this Sacred Drama a mere Consort, no Scenary, Dress or Action, so necessary to a Drama ...”

Handel’s commitment to Italian opera was hardly, though, to end suddenly. He was to compose a further fourteen Italian operas, including the masterpieces Orlando and Ariodante. And the opera cause in England was not to end with Handel’s final opera some nine years later. In 1741, six months after Handel’s last opera and four months before his visit to Dublin there was news that a new opera venture, headed by Lord Middlesex, had been established: “Six extravagant young Gentlemen have subscrib’d

1000 £  apiece for the Support of an opera next winter”. It was against this new opera company that Walpole reported the rival success of Samson in 1743 and it was the “opera people” supporting this venture that Mrs Delany claimed were so outraged by Semele.

The coincidence of Handel’s visit to Ireland and the establishment of this new company worked in favour of Handel’s current reputation. The response of Alexander Pope, the most important representative of the literary establishment, is particularly interesting. In the first version of his great mock-epic poem The Dunciad, published in 1728, Pope had presented opera as the cultural harbinger of the reign of the Goddess Dulness:

“Already, Opera prepares the way,

The sure fore-runner of her gentle sway.”

These lines were written during the height of Handel’s supremacy as a composer of Italian operas, at a time indeed when opera was synonymous with Handel. Now, though, in 1741, as Handel had departed for Ireland, Pope was completing his vision of the reign of anti-art, composing the fourth book of The Dunciad.  And he had certainly not changed his views of Italian opera, which, with its “affected airs” and “effeminate sounds” confirms the foreboding promise of the earlier poem.  It appears personified as a “Harlot form” ready to silence the nine muses:

“When lo! a Harlot form soft sliding by,

With mincing step, small voice, and languid eye;

Foreign her air, her robe’s discordant pride

In patch-work flutt’ring, and her head aside.

By singing Peers up-held on either hand,

She tripp’d and laugh’d, too pretty much to stand;

Cast on the prostrate Nine a scornful look,

The thus in quaint Recitativo spoke.

‘O Cara! Cara! silence all that train:

Joy to great Chaos! let Division reign:

Chromatic tortures soon shall drive them hence,

Break all their nerves, and fritter all their sense:

One Trill shall harmonize joy, grief, and rage,

Wake the dull Church, and lull the ranting Stage;

To the same notes thy sons shall hum, or snore,

And all thy yawning daughters cry, encore.

Another Phoebus, thy own Phoebus, reigns,

Joys in my jiggs, and dances in my chains.”

But now, in 1741, far from it being the case that Handel is implicated in this attack, astonishingly he is seen as our musical saviour, a hero to threaten the rule of Dulness:

“ ‘But soon, ah soon Rebellion will commence.

If Music meanly borrows aid from Sense:

Strong in new Arms, lo! Giant Handel stands,

Like bold Briareus, with a hundred hands;

To stir, to rouze, to shake the Soul he comes,

And Jove’s own Thunders follow Mars’s Drums.

Arrest him, Empress; or you sleep no more’ -

She heard, and drove him to th’Hibernian shore.”

It is hardly surprising, if this is expressive of a new reputation, that Handel had no intention of contributing to the feeble resurgence of opera in the hands of Middlesex’s company. Indeed he quashed any suggestion of involvement explicitly:

“The report that the Direction of the Opera next winter is committed to my Care, is groundless. The gentlemen who have undertaken to middle with Harmony can not agree, and are quite in a Confusion. Whether I shall do some thing in the Oratorio way (as several of my friends desire) I can not determine as yet.”

But this was soon determined. Despite the fact that the Messiah was not to travel well from the Hibernian shore to London, Handel was ready with Samson, and, despite the report of a paralytic disorder in April 1743, three months later Semele was finished. Lord Middlesex, though, had powerful supporters, and Handel had to resist considerable pressure to offer the company new operas to rescue their flagging fortunes. It is probable that he did help in November, 1743, by allowing them to perform his opera Alessandro, in a revised form. But, despite offers of 1,000 guineas for two new operas or 500 guineas for one, Handel defied Middlesex, and threw down the gauntlet with Semele - not simply because this was an English ‘oratorio’ to rival the operas, but, rubbing salt in the wound, because it was the closest thing to an English opera Handel had ever composed.

So Semele was born: written by the greatest composer of opera in the period, at a time when his popularity increasingly depended on the composing of English oratorios, and in a context which required a response to a rival opera venture. It is hardly surprising that the work has posed problems of classification ever since. Is it an English opera, an oratorio, or a hybrid of the two? The ‘opera party’ mentioned by Mary Delany were probably so angered because they considered it to be direct operatic competition. Mainwaring, Handel’s first biographer, tried to have the best of both worlds. He included it in his list of ‘Oratorios’, but then added a footnote: “An English Opera, but called an Oratorio, and performed as such at Covent-Garden”. The advertisement for the first production claimed it would be performed “After the Manner of an Oratorio”, which is hardly definitive. A further problem is the subject-matter, which seemed to link the work more obviously with opera than with oratorio with its conventionally Biblical subjects. It was this, perhaps, which led Jennens to call it “a bawdy opera”. But even this apparently unequivocal labelling was quickly adapted to “a Bawdatorio”.

Semele resists simple classification. Mrs Delany (who had a right to judge, having followed so closely every development in Handel’s London career) saw at rehearsal something completely original in the work:

“I was yesterday morning at Mr. Handel’s to hear the rehearsal of Semele. It is a delightful piece of music, quite new and different from anything he has done ...”

Neither ‘opera’ nor ‘oratorio’ will adequately contextualize this sense of originality.

The manner of its first production and the use of the chorus are obvious signs of its affinity with oratorio. But there are also subtler indications of the differences between Semele and Handel’s operas (ignoring the matter of language, though ‘opera’ and ‘Italian’ had become almost inseparably united in the eyes of the opponents of both). Typically, in opera seria, affairs, doomed relationships and mismatches, have dynastic implications. Nothing really hangs on Semele’s relationship with Jupiter - the fate of nations, the alliances of rulers, the place of governing families do not stand in the balance, so the consequences are purely personal (though, of course, Semele’s overreaching has a broadly symbolic appeal). There can be no uncertainty attending the fate of Jupiter, God of Gods - he will lose one of the many mortal objects of his desire but his government of the heavens cannot be threatened. In Semele private affections, however they are received by an interested public chorus, have no public repercussions. On a structural level Semele, like the operas, is episodic. But composed not to be staged, there is no structure of dramatic surprise within the episodes. The interruptions at crucial moments; the secret witnessing of supposedly private interviews; the messages that change the course of scenes  - the whole range of interventions that comprise the ebb and flow of Handel’s opera scenes are absent here. So, too, to a certain extent, is the dramatic delay of personal revelation typical in the operas. Take, for instance, the relationship between Athamas and Ino as expressed in the second scene. Ino is in love with Athamas and sings her air “Turn, hopeless lover, turn thy eyes” - and weeps for him. He sees her response as a sign of her empathy not her love. This is the kind of misunderstanding in love typical of the operas. But not typical is the fact that Ino immediately reveals his mistake and expresses her love unequivocally. Finally they sing a duet in which she claims he has undone her and he wishes to atone. There is no room here, for the ambiguity and uncertainty that delays the revelation of love so often in the operas. The scene both introduces and solves the mystery.

Also on a structural level, of course, there is no need of musical justification for exits at the end of scenes, so the summarising function often falls to the chorus. In the operas exits often give rise to simile arias which dramatise, by analogy, the present state of the character’s mind and situation.

Also some of the arias have a rather gratuitous relationship to plot. This is certainly true of Semele’s first major air “The morning lark to mine accords his note”. The pathetic fallacy offered here is a standard feature of arias of pause, repose or melancholy in the operas. But Semele’s state of emotion, here, has not been prepared and rather belies the keynote of her character - a vainglorious confidence. The air is not a vehicle for plot, or the development of character, but a vehicle for the voice.

None of these points, though, definitively place Semele out of the category of opera, any more than they make it a lesser composition. Though there are changes to the original libretto, it is nonetheless important that this libretto is explicitly operatic. The signs of the spectacular remain in the text and many productions have shown that they can be reactivated. It is rather the case that such points make the work rather different from Handel’s general operatic practice.

 It could never be argued that Semele lacks drama. It is not, for instance, easy to extend the point about the lack of dramatic coherence in Semele’s ‘morning lark’ air. Even if we take an air like “Where’er you walk” - which might seem a likely candidate for critique, as it is an interpolation (from Pope’s ‘Summer’ pastoral) and therefore perhaps not essential to the integrity of the action - we find nevertheless that it contributes a considerable dramatic irony to the events:

“Where’er you walk, cool gales shall fan the glade;

Trees, where you sit, shall crowd into a shade:

Where’er you tread, the blushing flow’rs shall rise;

And all things flourish where’er you turn your eyes.”

This is no merely descriptive lull before the storm. Jupiter promises “cool gales” to “fan the glade” of Semele’s paradise - a perverse irony in that it relates to the actual fate that awaits Semele,  where she will be anything other than “cooled” by this deity: “I burn, I burn, I faint, for pity I implore”.  Further, “all things” will “flourish” where she turns her eyes, again ironically untrue. Unfortunately she will turn her eyes too intensely on herself: “Myself I shall adore, / If I persist in gazing”. The consequence of her vanity will be her demand to see for herself the Godhead in all its glory: the result will hardly be ‘flourishing’! As with the best of Handel’s opera arias, so with “Where’ere you walk”. It can be enjoyed out of context, but it then loses a wealth of contextual meaning.

And there are whole sequences in the work which bear exact comparison with Handel’s operatic technique. The scene in the Cave of Sleep, for instance, is an operatic tour de force. The opening symphony - larghetto e piano per tutto - with its ponderous bassoon line is perfectly suggestive of the steady breathing of slumber. It is rudely followed by the allegro e forte introduction of Juno and Iris: “Somnus, awake”. The God of Sleep’s response is the inspired “Leave me loathsome light” with its dramatic failure of da capo form - Somnus can just about make it through the first section of the air, and he even manages the B Section but the A Section reprise is beyond him. True to his name, he nods off showing a shocking disrespect for the proprieties of conventional composition! Juno manages to wake him with the enticing prospect of Pasithea, at which point he comes (literally) to his senses with “More sweet is that name/ Than a soft purling stream”. And this perfect mini-drama directly relates to the urgency of plot. Somnus must be woken if Juno’s plans for Semele’s undoing are to succeed.

It’s not only the sense of drama here that is ‘operatic’ - the compositional features are typical of Handel’s best operas. The interruption, for instance, to strict da capo form often has a particular dramatic aptness in the operas (in Rodelinda, for instance, a sister thinks after the B section of an aria that she recognises the singer’s voice as her brother’s: her interruption is followed by the da capo reprise which allows the confirmation of recognition - as in this scene from Semele variation from the norm is motivated by dramatic expressiveness).

So where, exactly, does this leave us? Far from being closer to a definition of Semele we find it the more elusive. We are not even sure what the work is about! It has been suggested, for instance, that there are possible allegorical readings. One argument goes that Semele contains a subtle political warning to one of King George II’s mistresses, who Semele-like, seemed ready to over-reach her position. Another suggestion, returning to the political situation surrounding the first production, is that Semele represents Lord Middlesex’s opera venture and her overthrow the triumph of Handel’s response. But both allegories fail to make sense of the fact that Semele herself is undoubtedly the heroine of this work, however dubious her morality. This holds true for any production, but it was perhaps accentuated in 1744, because the star of Handel’s company then, La Francesina (the stage name for Elisabeth Duparc, a French soprano trained in Italy), took the title role, and was famed for a “lark-like voice” (very apt for “The morning lark to mine accords his note”): we return to Mrs Delany, who had originally been unimpressed by her singing:

“I was yesterday to hear Semele; it is a delightful piece of music ... Francesina is extremely improved, her notes are more distinct, and there is something in her running-divisions that is quite surprizing.”

Handel certainly wrote the part for a voice capable of florid passagework, and as a vehicle for vocal display it is as impressive as any he created.

Perhaps we can end, if allegory is to be allowed, by hazarding a fanciful alternative:  “Ah, but a man’s reach should exceed his grasp,/ Or what’s a heaven for?”  Handel’s operatic ambition had been perhaps too much for the English to bear. Those who commune with the Gods are reminded of their indiscretions and punished for their overreaching by the advocates of moral propriety. The fate of Semele herself can be offered, not too seriously, as an allegory of Handel’s musical career. Just as Semele is to rise as a phoenix from the ashes, so, out of Handel’s ultimately doomed commitment to opera were reborn the dramatic skills that produced the finest ever series of oratorios in English.