Tuesday, 15 January 2013

Handel's Texts


Introduction

This paper gives, I hope, a full sense of my research interests in Handel, eighteenth-century opera, and the musical adaptation of literary source material. There are three main aspects of this research:

  1. Research into the history of opera – particularly Italian opera – in its period of greatest influence on British cultural life, from 1700-1750.
  2. The critical analysis and appraisal of the creative process of adapting literary texts to music in the (English) oratorios and (Italian) operas of the period (mainly with reference to the works of Handel).
  3. Research into the creation of the libretti for the operas and oratorios of Handel, with investigative research into the source material and a consideration of the process of collaboration between composer and librettist.

A Research Paper

Handel is one of the greatest of all musical illustrators. Whether he is setting the scene - with storms, streams or birdsong (and he can do a whole parliament of birds, including cuckoos, nightingales and doves); or evoking textual details, so that (to recall examples from The Messiah) ‘the crooked’ is made ‘straight’ the ‘rough places’ become plain, and the trumpet does indeed sound its glorious resurrection –he has absolute mastery of Alexander Pope’s rule that ‘the sound must seem an echo to the sense’.

Indispensable though this skill is, more important is Handel’s ability to respond to the dramatic potential of his texts, to represent musically the moments of action and emotion, passion and revelation that make his operas and oratorios so powerful.

I want to illustrate this point by showing his flexible and imaginative approach to conventional baroque forms, taking as the example his use of ternary form in the da capo aria, in both Italian (here I will elaborate on the context for the performing of Italian opera in England) and in English.

Moving on from single arias, I then want to look at his creation of whole dramatic episodes, and consider his collaboration with librettists. Finally, taking the text for his last great oratorio – Jephtha – I want to show that the contribution of some of these librettists has been significantly underestimated.

As a preliminary note to the discussion, I ought to start by stressing that Handel, until about twenty-five years ago famed almost exclusively for his English oratorios, was first and foremost a composer of Italian operas, and rather unwillingly turned to oratorios after a series of setbacks, failures and rivalries in the opera houses. Handel wrote at least 38 Italian operas, all but two of which were composed for the London stages: it’s in the secular Italian operas that Handel developed all the skills that would prove so successful in the biblical English oratorios.

The two main units of composition in opera seria (literally 'serious' opera) are the aria and the recitative. Broadly speaking, recitative (or ‘recitativo’) is sung speech conveying the main actions and developments of plot through soliloquy or exchanges between characters. It can be supported merely by a line of  'continuo' (a simple bass line usually played alone on the harpsichord), known as secco ('dry') recitative, or by more elaborate orchestration known as accompagnato ('accompanied') recitative. The recitative links together the arias ('airs' or 'songs') whose form is equally standardised. In an aria the first section of singing (the 'A' section), is introduced by an orchestral ritornello (so called because it keeps ‘returning’), and followed by a contrasting or complementary development (the 'B' section), which returns da capo (we would say ‘from the top’) to the beginning and repeats the 'A' section (where the singer can show off tastefully by improvised variation). I’ve illustrated the structure for you diagrammatically in Figure 1, and I’ve taken as a musical example the aria ‘Molto voglio, molto spero’ from Handel’s 1711 opera Rinaldo . (Here, the dangerous sorceress Armida is joyously confident of her ‘great hopes’ and ‘great desires’ as ‘with her power’ (‘Di mia forza’ introducing the ‘B’ section) she can ‘subdue the world’).

[PLAY MOLTO VOGLIO; RINALDO, DISK 1, INDEX 17 – and draw attention to the features of the structure as they occur (2 minutes, 44 seconds)]

It’s worth pausing here, for a moment, to consider the importance of the opera which includes this aria. Rinaldo was Handel’s first Italian opera for the English stage. As such it is of enormous importance, and was to shape the rest of Handel’s career. But it also contributed to a literary controversy which had already been running for many years.

The 'stage' had been set as early as 1706 with John Dennis's ludicrous and xenophobic attack against Italian opera: 'a Diversion of more pernicious consequence, than the most licentious Play that ever has appear'd upon the Stage'.  His arguments are absurd, but certainly express a rich vein of anti-culture typical of the worst kind of provincial Englishness. 'Pleasure of Sense,' argues Dennis 'being too much indulged, makes Reason cease to be a Pleasure, and by consequence is contrary both to publick and private Duty'. The pleasures of Italian opera were too great for Dennis, offering, particularly, a threat to all young ladies, in its celebration of love and all its arts. French music is less a danger as it is 'by no means so meltingly moving as the Italian'. It's ironically amusing that such a silly and vituperative polemic should so manifestly reveal the intensity of the sensuous pleasures of Italian opera. But Dennis's real grouse seems to be that Italian opera is effeminate and foreign: 'the Reigning Luxury of Modern Italy, is that soft and effeminate Musick which abounds in the Italian Opera'. And the English, of all people, should least appreciate such entertainments:

What must those Strangers say, when they behold Englishmen applaud an Italian for Singing, or a Frenchman for Dancing, and the very Moment afterwards explode an Englishman for the very same things? What must they say, unless they have Candour enough to interpret it this way, that an Englishman is deservedly scorned by Englishmen, when he descends so far beneath himself, as to Sing or to Dance in publick, because by doing so he practises Arts which Nature has bestow'd upon effeminate Nations, but denied to him, as below the Dignity of his Country, and the Majesty of the British Genius.

Actually, at least one of Dennis's objections should have been met by Handel's arrival ('But yet this must be allow'd, that tho' the Opera in Italy is a Monster, 'tis a beautiful harmonious Monster, but here in England 'tis an ugly howling one'). But Handel's enterprise, in 1711, had more formidable literary arguments to overcome than from this raving nonsense. Rinaldo, like the operas which immediately preceded it, was attacked in the influential Spectator by Richard Steele and Joseph Addison, much more formidable literary enemies than John Dennis. There may, though, have been an element of hubris in the Spectator's attacks, especially in Addison's emphasis on the absurdities of the Italian elements of the opera. Addison himself was the English librettist of the failed opera Rosamund, composed by the dire musician, Thomas Clayton, and staged in 1707, the production being dropped after a dismal three performances.

The Spectator's pillory was certainly a concerted attempt to discredit the Italian operas. Five numbers (5; 13; 14; 18; and 29) gave over their space to the ridicule of the increasingly popular new form, over a period of less than one month from March 6th to April 3rd, 1711. And though the sophistication of the critique offered here is incomparable with Dennis's clumsy, ill-conceived onslaught, there is still the condescending assumption that the English should have higher pleasures than the mere continentals:

If the Italians have a Genius for Musick above the English, the English have a Genius for other Performances of a much higher Nature, and capable of giving the Mind a much nobler Entertainment.

The criticism of the use of Italian sources is interesting, as it reveals, aptly, the absurdities of the period preceding Handel's Rinaldo. Previous operas had been ‘pasticcios’ (literally ‘pasties’ [with any old meat in them], metaphorically a ‘mess’) gathered together from a range of Italian sources Some of these were sung in Italian but others were productions in both languages. The Spectator ridicules the absurdities of translation from the Italian which does not match the music:

I have known the Word And pursu'd through the whole Gamut, have been entertain'd with many a melodious The, and have heard the most beautiful Graces, Quavers and Divisions bestow'd upon Then, For, and From; to the eternal Honour of our English Particles.

The macaronic use of both languages in the same opera was a manifestly unsatisfactory compromise, allowing Addison many further strokes of wit: 'The King or Hero of the Play generally spoke in Italian, and his Slaves answer'd him in English'.

With Handel's Rinaldo, though, as with  Teseo (1713) and Amadigi (1715), his other 'magic operas' (so called because they both have a sorceress who conjures up all kinds of visions and monsters), audiences could enjoy Italian opera without the absurdity of different languages, and with state of the art special effects, both in the music and in the production. Rinaldo calls for two chariots, one drawn by white horses and blackamoors, the other drawn by two dragons issuing fire and smoke; furies and dreadful monsters (more fire and smoke); a delightful grove with singing birds in the trees; singing and dancing mermaids; a dreadful mountain prospect; an enchanted palace; a magician's cave; ugly enchanted spirits; and plentiful supplies of thunder, lightning and 'amazing noises'. Not all this was possible -  Steele notes that the horses drawing the chariot never appeared - but as much as was possible was done. Addison ridiculed the whole enterprize in the issue of March 6th. Especially ludicrous to him seemed the provision of real birds for the delightful grove:

As I was walking in the Streets about a Fortnight ago, I saw an ordinary Fellow carrying a Cage full of little Birds upon his Shoulder; and, as I was wondering with my self what Use he would put them to, he was met very luckily by an Acquaintance, who had the same Curiosity. Upon his asking him what he had upon his Shoulder, he told him, that he had been buying Sparrows for the Opera. Sparrows for the Opera, says his Friend, licking his Lips, what are they to be roasted? No, no, says the other, they are to enter towards the end  of the first Act, and to fly about the Stage.

For all Addison's humour here and elsewhere, his descriptions do suggest the excitement of these productions: 'Rinaldo is filled with Thunder and Lightning, Illuminations, and Fireworks'. Some self-appointed proprietors of eighteenth-century taste may have scorned such entertainments, but the opera public loved them. Rinaldo was one of the greatest successes of the period. The publication of its songs alone was reputed to have made their publisher fifteen hundred pounds. As Christopher Hogwood notes, Rinaldo 'can be said to have settled the course of Handel's career and the future of opera in England'. In a sense the number of issues devoted by the Spectator to the mockery of Italian opera is a testament to the futility of its arguments. The thirst for Italian opera was already established before the Spectator's first issue. Handel, after the famous opera successes of Rodrigo (1707) and Agrippina (1710) in Italy, visited a London already predisposed to the success of Rinaldo.

Back, though, to the conventional form of the da capo aria ...

I want to show that Handel’s treatment of this ubiquitous standardised form can be anything but conventional, when it suits the dramatic situation of the text to vary the normal musical structures.

Look, for instance, how Handel motivates the standard element of repetition in an aria from Rodelinda (1725). (See Figure 2.)

Here, Handel wants to illustrate the situation of Bertarido, the opera’s hero – supposed dead, deprived of his kingdom, wrongly believing his wife unfaithful, taking melancholy solace from the beauty of a pastoral landscape. The hero sings ‘Con rauco mormorio’, a perfect aria of sublime mood and atmosphere, as the libretto’s landscape, the murmurings of its streams and springs sigh, in pathetic fallacy, with the hero, the now instrumental caves and hills ‘echoing’ his plaintive voice. Dean and Knapp called the piece ‘a magical exercise in nature-painting’. Here, then, are all those skills of the inspired illustrator (where even the echoes echo the sense).  But the aria also contributes to the drama of the situation. Bertarido’s sister, Eduige, is nearby, and his singing draws her. As the singer brings the ‘B’ section of the aria to a close, the music is interrupted – instead of the typical ritornello, we have a recitative interruption, as Eduige recognises the voice. Surely, she says, this cannot be the voice of her late brother; surely she is deluded. Handel can now motivate dramatically the traditional form of the aria: Bertarido has to repeat his first melody; he does so immediately and his identification is confirmed. What is merely a requirement of convention – the repeat of the ‘A’ section of an aria – becomes a full part of the action. In Handel’s best writing for the stage he doesn’t just make old things new; he completely integrates form and content, so that the words motivate the musical structures or demand their variation or fracture.

A similar, though expanded, device is used in Giulio Cesare. 'V'adoro pupille' is perhaps the greatest seduction aria in musical history (See Figure 3.). It has the equivalent force of Enobarbus's famous speech in Antony and Cleopatra:

The barge she sat in, like a burnish'd throne
Burn'd on the water: the poop was beaten gold;
Purple the sails, and so perfumed that
The winds were love-sick with them; the oars were silver,
Which to the tune of flutes kept stroke, and made
The water which they beat to follow faster,
As amorous of their strokes. For her own person,
It beggar'd all description [...]

Shakespeare, here, follows his source, North's Plutarch very closely. But Plutarch gives an additional detail: 'her voyce and words were marvelous pleasant: for her tongue was an instrument of musicke to divers sports and pastimes'. Shakespeare also economises on the music that attends her. His 'tune of flutes' is based on Plutarch's  'sounde of the musicke of flutes, howboyes, citherns, violls, and such other instruments as they played upon in the barge'. Cleopatra's legendary power is one naturally expressed by the metonym and metaphor of music. In Handel's score it is her song that seduces Caesar. And Handel overtrumps Plutarch with his instruments, as Winton Dean notes:

Handel deploys a double orchestra: a group of nine instruments played by the nine Muses on stage or behind the scenes, including harp, theorbo and viola da gamba, is contrasted and combined with the main body in the pit, the violins of both orchestras being muted. The senses of the audience must have been as ravished as Caesar's.

But it’s the structural variation that helps create the drama of the scene. Instead of the normal ritornello introduction, Handel gives two miniature symphonies, which are interrupted by Caesar and Nireno, who are astonished at the heavenly beauty of the sound and wonder what its source can be. Cue Cleopatra who moves straight into the aria based on the symphonic melody. Caesar again cannot resist interrupting the aria after the ‘B’ section – ‘not even in heaven could there be such a beautiful song’ ... and to confirm that, Cleopatra sings it again!

[PLAY ‘V’ADORO PUPILLE’; GIULIO CESARE , DISK 2, INDEXES 5-6  (9 minutes, 45 seconds)]

There are many other variations that involve the embellishment or omission of some part of the normal structure for dramatic effect. In Handel’s first Royal Academy opera, Radamisto, the characterization of Polissena is partly shaped by omission. (See Figure 4.)  This loving and duteous wife of a tyrannical and unfaithful husband is more than once shocked out of conventional form by his sudden barbarity. At the beginning of the opera, whilst pleading for mercy for her brother and father, she is abruptly dismissed, prompting a poignant aria of lament: 'Tu vuoi ch'io parta'' (You wish me to go, I go'). Here the urgency of the situation  and the plight of Polissena leave no room for the embellishment of an opening ritornello: Polissena sings directly, spontaneously, and with humility from the heart (she will go as ordered, but ‘senza core’). The ritornello is effectively displaced and redefined: it can’t initially ‘return’ but acts as a coda of sad reflection.

To take a different, but related, example from the English oratorios, the scene in the Cave of Somnus, the God of Sleep (from Semele) is a dramatic tour de force. (See Figure 5.) An opening symphony - larghetto e piano per tutto – has a ponderous bassoon line perfectly suggestive of the steady breathing of slumber. It is rudely followed by the allegro e forte introduction of Juno and Iris: “Somnus, awake”. The God of Sleep’s response is the inspired “Leave me loathsome light” with its dramatic failure of da capo form - Somnus can just about make it through the first section of the air, and he even manages the B Section, but the A Section reprise is beyond him. True to his name, he nods off, showing a shocking disrespect for the proprieties of conventional composition! Juno manages to wake him with the enticing prospect of Pasithea, at which point he comes (literally) to his senses with “More sweet is that name/ Than a soft purling stream”. And this perfect mini-drama directly relates to the urgency of plot. Somnus must be woken if Juno’s plans for Semele’s undoing are to succeed.


This is another key factor in Handel’s skill with his texts – the creating of sustained passages of drama. The typical pattern of recitative / aria / recitative might not seem to lend itself to through composition, but it often does in Handel.

Those who wrote best for Handel - such as the oratorio librettist Charles Jennens - absolutely understood this essentially dramatic quality of his way with words. Handel was clearly inspired, for instance, by Jennens’ brilliant libretto for Saul. Winton Dean, whose seminal works on the operas and oratorios give his judgements a special place in Handel criticism, notes that Jennens:
understood the nature of Handel’s genius a great deal better than his critics [...] giving him not a prize poem or a devotional cantata, still less a liturgical text, but a fully organised drama conceived in terms of the visual theatre [...]’ To look at what Handel did with the libretto is to find a composer who completely understands, and can completely realise in musical terms, the power of a great dramatic text.

To take perhaps the best example, there is the crucial episode in Act I that culminates in Saul’s aria of jealous vengeance against David – ‘With rage I shall burst’ (see Figure 6.).  The aria itself actually confirms the influence of opera material: it’s a borrowing from Handel’s own Agrippina of 1709. But whereas the original version is no more than a coda to an extended piece of recitative narrative, the revised version for Saul is the culmination of a compelling and intense sequence of textual and musical events. The sequence starts with a symphony for carillon, a remarkable instrument that left Jennens somewhat dumbfounded:

Mr Handel’s head is more full of Maggots than ever: I found yesterday in his room a very queer Instrument which He calls Carillon (Anglice a bell) & says some call it a Tubalcain, I suppose because it is both in the make & tone like a set of Hammers striking upon Anvils. ‘Tis play’d upon with Keys like a Harpsichord, & with this Cyclopean Instrument he designs to make poor Saul stark mad. (Quoted Burrows, p.202)


Despite the hint that Jennens thinks Handel himself quite mad, it’s clear that even he imagines such an instrument of giant smithies might have the desired effect. With the symphony comes the announcement of the daughters of the land, playing music, dancing and singing in celebration of the victory over the Philistines. Even this narrative introduction is, in the original manuscript, accompanied by the carillon (its insistence, perhaps, already beginning to get at Saul, who knows that David is more the subject of celebration than himself).  The chorus welcomes the heroes, but, with unwise favouritism, names David first. In the rise and fateful fall of an accompanied recitative, Saul interrupts the celebrations: ‘[has he] then sunk so low/ To have this upstart boy preferred to [him]’. Back come the choir with more ecstatic and elaborate carillon to praise David’s ‘ten thousand’ slain. Saul can restrain himself no more, and his final interruption (‘To him ten thousands and to me but thousand’) announces his aria of rage. The whole sequence is a masterpiece of sustained musical drama. From celebration to the point of doom the music explains, with absolute conviction, Saul’s descent. And the carillon has indeed helped drive him ‘stark mad’.

[PLAY SAUL SEQUENCE , DISK 1, INDEXES 16 (c. 5 minutes)]

If Jennens had little say about the carillon, he had a significant say about other aspects of the composition:

His third Maggot is a Hallelujah which he has trump’d up at the end of his Oratorio [...] because he thought the conclusion of the Oratorio not Grand enough; [...] but this Hallelujah, Grand as it is, comes in very nonsensically, having no manner of relation to what goes before. And this is the more extraordinary, because he refus’d to set a Hallelujah at the end of the first Chorus of the Oratorio, where I had plac’d one & where it was to be introduc’d with the utmost propriety [...]


Handel got the point, and took Jennens’ advice, restoring the Hallelujah to the first scene celebrations of victory over Goliath. An uneasy alliance though it may have been, such a detail shows the work with Jennens to be a genuinely collaborative affair.  Though Jennens expected further maggots to ‘breed in [Handel’s] Brain’, together they overcame any differences to create a true masterpiece.

This relationship was perhaps unusual, but I think the degree of collaboration between Handel and his librettists – particularly over textual details - has often been underestimated.

Also underestimated have been the skills of some of these librettists. We are fortunate that Handel was able to work with as talented a writer as Jennens. But others deserve more acknowledgement. Take Thomas Morell’s libretto for Jephtha. Morell has been seen merely as an ‘anthologist’ for his assemblage, here, of quotations from an impressive range of English poets (particularly Milton). But if Jephtha is a literary anthology it is an extremely knowing one, with its passages and echoes chosen to bring a thematic and artistic unity to the subject.

Handel was certainly inspired by the text for his last major composition, as his contemporaries noted. William Hayes, Professor of Music at Oxford, saw Jephtha as indisputable proof of the continued mastery of Handel ‘who [...] with a broken Constitution’ had ‘produced such a Composition which no Man [...] is, or ever was [...] equal to, in his highest Vigour’.

Though Handel’s constitution wasn't exactly broken it was certainly breaking. He had had to stop work on the piece in 1751, scribbling in the margin of the manuscript (in German): ‘got as far as this on [...] 13th February 1751, unable to go on owing to weakening of the sight of my left eye’. Handel's response to illness was always proactive, but, despite dangerous and unpleasant surgery (involving the piercing of the cornea with a needle) and visits to spa waters, his sight was not fully to recover and he was to end his years in increasing blindness. Handel's first biographer, John Mainwaring, suggested that this loss of sight brought with it a natural depression: ‘This misfortune sunk him for a time into the deepest despondency. He could not rest until he had undergone some operations as fruitless as they were painful.’

In these circumstances, the text of Jephtha must have had a special private significance for Handel, surely understood by his librettist. How apt that Handel's last great work, composed despite intermittent bouts of blindness, should have darkness as one of its central unifying motifs, in a system of images which finds its emotional climax in one of Handel's greatest choruses – 'How dark, O Lord, are thy Decrees'. And it was at this point in the manuscript that Handel wrote his note about his worsening sight. How dark indeed.

The composer's treatment of that great chorus gives a clear sense that Handel, touched perhaps by the personal relevance of its message, and impressed by its sense of doom and fatalism, conjured a profoundly moving and tragic utterance. The crucial last line ‘Whatever is, is right’  is from Pope's Essay on Man. Originally, in fact, Morell had written ‘What God ordains is right’ but Handel preferred a direct quotation and inserted his correction throughout the manuscript.  Though Pope was vindicating ‘the ways of God to Man’, Handel creates a dark and imposing expression of our helplessness before fate. The thought that God might have a plan for us which includes the sacrifice of our only child, makes right a matter of power not justice. Our blindness leads us to anything but happy complacency. The message could hardly be missed by Handel, trying to compose what would be his last great work, marking his blindness in the margin of a manuscript whose subject is the darkness of the Lord's decrees.

But Morell was doing more than finding fine and apt lines for his text from the acknowledged literary greats. He was also researching the subject of the biblical story - the sacrifice of a child; the death of a daughter - in poetic and classical analogues (a project perfectly suited to his combination of skills as classicist, literary scholar, and biblical exegete). For some time it was believed that the words for the air 'Open thy marble Jaws, O Tomb' had been privately contributed. But the original source, which I unearthed, is much more interesting. Here is Morell's passage:

Open thy marble Jaws, O Tomb,
And hide me, Earth, in thy dark Womb:
Ere I the Name of Father stain,
And deepest Woe from Conquest gain.

And here is the direct source:

Open thy marble Jaws, O Tomb,
Thou Earth conceal me in thy Womb!

These lines are found in William Broome's 1727 Poems on Several Occasions. But the context  is more interesting than the mere fact of the borrowing. The poem that Morell went to in that volume was entitled 'Melancholy: An Ode, Occasion'd by the Death of a beloved Daughter, 1723'. There is clearly a thematic method behind the borrowings. Just as Morell was sustaining  the symbolic theme of 'darkness' (‘hide me, Earth, in thy dark Womb’), so he also looked for materials in keeping with the concern of the biblical story - a story about the possible sacrifice of a child, as lamented by the parent. It must have been this theme, with the added aptness of the sense of parental responsibility, which sent him to the period's favourite translation of Virgil's Aeneid. Again the relevant passage from Morell was thought to have been provided privately; here are Morell's words:

         Some dire Event hangs o'er our Heads,
Some woful Song we have to sing
In Misery extreme. --- O, never, never
Was my foreboding Mind distress’d before
With such incessant Pangs. ---

And here’s what I think is the probable source, from the tenth book of Virgil, translated by Dryden:

Far off he heard their cries, far off divined
The dire event with a foreboding mind.

That this echo should have occurred to Morell confirms our sense of his method. The context is the death of a son – Lausus – who has sacrificed himself in battle with Aeneas to save his stricken father. ‘His father (now no father)’ has reached the Tiber for relief, only to have the corpse of his son brought to him, prompting the lines that Morell echoes.  The situation has obvious and ironic correspondences with the story of Jephtha, where the warrior is preserved in battle only to find that his oath must mean the doom of his daughter.

We can begin then, in examining possible sources for Jephtha, to construct the practice of its librettist - in the imaginative knitting together of quotations from sources which thematically or symbolically have some affinity.

The librettists of the various works here considered, all brought their own particular skills to bear on the creation of texts that interested and excited Handel, and we mustn’t underplay their contribution. In the end, though, it’s Handel’s special ability to actualise the words on the page that really matters. Whether in masterful single arias and choruses or in compelling sequences of musical action and reaction, it’s Handel’s ability to bring scenes and episodes to dramatic life that make this two-hundred and fiftieth anniversary of his death such an important occasion for lovers of opera and oratorio.


Figure 1. Typical structure (example ‘Molto voglio, molto spero’ (Rinaldo, 1711))

First Phase (‘A’ Section)
Second Phase
Third Phase (= first phase ‘da capo’)
ritornello1
vocal ‘A’ section1

ritornello2
‘B’ section
ritornello3
vocal ‘A’ section2 with improvisation
ritornello4







Figure 2. Structure of ‘Con rauco mormorio’ (Rodelinda, 1725)

First Phase (‘A’ Section)
Second Phase
recitative interruption by Eduige
Third Phase
ritornello1
vocal ‘A’ section1
(Bertarido)
ritornello2
‘B’ section
vocal ‘A’ section2 with improvisation
ritornello3







Figure 3. Structure of ‘V’adoro, pupille’ (Giulio Cesare, 1724)

First Phase
Second Phase
recitative interruption
by Giulio Cesare
Third Phase
2 symphonies, with recitative interruptions
vocal ‘A’ section1
(Cleopatra)
ritornello1 (based on the melodic line)
‘B’ section
vocal ‘A’ section2 with improvisation
ritornello2










Figure 4. Structure of ‘Tu vuoi ch’io parta’ (Radamisto, 1720)


First Phase (‘A’ Section)
Second Phase
Third Phase (= first phase ‘da capo’)
 
vocal ‘A’ section1
(Polissena)
‘ritornello’1
‘B’ section
 
vocal ‘A’ section2 with improvisation
ritornello2
                                                                                         

 Figure 5. Structure of ‘Leave me loathsome light’ (Semele, 1743)                          


First Phase (‘A’ Section)
Second Phase
Third Phase
ritornello1
vocal ‘A’ section1
Somnus
(truncated)
ritornello2
‘B’ section
Somnus has fallen asleep







Figure 6. Structure of Act I, Scenes ii- iii of Saul

Phase 1
Phase 2
Phase 3
Phase 4
Phase 5
Phase 6
Phase 7
Symphony:
for
carillon.
Recitative:
Michal – on
‘the daughters
of the land’,
who can be seen
in ‘joyful dance with instruments of music’.
Chorus:
with
carillon - celebrating the ‘mighty king’ who slew ‘thousands’ and the [mightier] David who slew ten thousand and deserves ‘ten thousand praises’.
Recitative:
Saul –
‘What do I hear? Am I then sunk so low to have this upstart boy preferred to me?’

Chorus:
with carillon –
David who slew ten thousand deserves ten thousand praises (again).
Recitative:
Saul –
‘To him ten thousands and to me but thousands! What can they give him more, except my kingdom?’
Aria:
Saul –
‘With rage I shall burst his praises to hear!’














Sunday, 1 July 2012

Tamerlano - A Summary


The following is a draft entry for The Literary Encyclopedia Online (the entry was published online in July, 2012)

Tamerlano is one of Handel’s finest operas, unusual in its generally tragic tone. Composed at the height of Handel’s Royal Academy opera success, it was the second of three masterpieces performed within the space of two seasons from 1724-5, along with Giulio Cesare and Rodelinda (see entries on each in this encyclopedia). Though it is now acknowledged by Handel scholars to be as great a masterpiece as the two other works, it was not always so. The great Handel expert, John Merrill Knapp, in 1970, noted that:  “The neglect of Tamerlano is strange. It has not only just as much fine music as the other two operas but also one of the first important tenor roles in operatic history” (Knapp, 406).

The subject of the opera has an iconic status in music, literature and art – the subjugation of eastern Europe and western Asia in the fourteenth century by Timur or Tamerlane, Marlowe’s Tamburlaine the Great, and the opera’s eponymous Tamerlano. But the real hero of Handel’s opera is not the conqueror, but his conquered Ottoman ruler Bajazete, the historical Bayezid, and Marlowe’s Bajazeth. In Marlowe’s two-part play, though Tamburlaine is clearly the (ambiguous) hero, Bajazeth has some very fine lines, cursing his captor to all kinds of hell and dashing his brains out on the bars of his own prison cage to avoid further humiliation.

      Now, Bajazeth, abridge thy baneful days
And beat thy brains out of thy conquered head,
Since other means are all forbidden me
That may be ministers of my decay.
O highest lamp of ever-living Jove,
Accursèd day, infected with my griefs,
Hide now thy stainèd face in endless night
And shut the windows of the lightsome heavens!
Let ugly Darkness with her rusty coach
Engirt with tempests wrapped in pitchy clouds
Smother the earth with never-fading mists,
And let her horses from their nostrils breathe
Rebellious winds and dreadful thunderclaps,
That in this terror Tamburlaine may live,
And my pined soul, resolved in liquid air,
May still excruciate his tormented thoughts!
Then let the stony dart of senseless cold
Pierce through the centre of my withered heart
And make a passage for my loathèd life. (Marlowe, Part I, V, i, 286-304)

Though he has a less grotesque ending – poisoning, not braining himself – Handel’s Bajazete is one of the greatest tragic heroes of eighteenth-century opera.

The sources for Handel’s version of the story, pieced together by his librettist, Nicola Haym, were not English, though, but Italian (based on a French original). The main sources were Agostino Piovene’s Tamerlano, written for a Venetian production of 1710, and a revision of that libretto for a production in Reggio in 1719 (see Knapp, and Dean and Knapp for comprehensive accounts).

The opera opens in the palace of Tamerlano, in view of the cell where Bajazete is held prisoner. Andronico, Tamerlano’s ally, encourages the captive to move freely about the palace. Bajazete scorns Tamerlano’s condescension, and tries to take his own life, but Andronico reminds him of his daughter Asteria’s love, which moves him to restraint. Tamerlano promises to restore the Byzantine kingdom to Andronico, who says he prefers to stay to learn the art of war, though his real motive is the requited love of Asteria. Unfortunately for him, Tamerlano declares his love for Asteria; he says that Andronico must marry Irene, Princess of Trebizond, Tamerlano’s betrothed, and help him get Bajazete’s consent to marry Asteria. Tamerlano tells Asteria of his love, Andronico’s proposed marriage to Irene, and his negotiations with her father. She assumes the “unfaithful Greek” has agreed to the arrangement, and curses, but still loves, him. Bajazete will never consent to the marriage of his daughter to Tamerlano. When Irene arrives she is outraged that Andronico presents himself as her future husband, but they agree that she will disguise herself, and they will bide their time. Tamerlano is certain Asteria agrees to be his and thanks Andronico. Planning on murdering the tyrant, Asteria maintains her charade of acquiescience, though revealing her rejection of Tamerlano to Irene. Bajazete interrupts the ceremony, but Tamerlano subjects him, standing on his neck to lead his daughter to the throne. Irene intervenes, still in disguise, claiming the throne. In the face of her father’s outrage, Asteria gives up her plot and announces that her intention was to kill Tamerlano. Tamerlano swears horrible revenge, but Bajazete, Andronico and Irene all commend Asteria’s constancy and honour. Bajazete and Asteria agree on a poisonous suicide pact, if necessary. Finally, Andronico declares his love in public and stands up to Tamerlano, who orders Bajazete to be decapitated and Asteria to be married off to “the meanest Slave” (Haym, 73). Asteria tries to poison Tamerlano but is foiled by Irene. Tamerlano makes Asteria offer her poisoned drink to either her father or lover, but she tries to drink it herself. Andronico prevents her. Tamerlano will force Bajazete to witness his daughter humiliated and debased in the slaves’ harem, and promises he will marry Irene. But Bajazete has already poisoned himself, and delivers a dying speech, cursing his enemy, and saying he is incapable of killing his daughter who asks him to “[p]lunge in my willing Breast the shining Steel” (Haym, 94). Tamerlano is moved to pity, stopping Andronico from taking his own life. He will free Asteria for Andronico, himself marrying Irene in a celebration that will bring peace at last. Asteria is absent from the “celebrations”.

Knapp was right to stress the importance of the tenor. In our age of the “three tenors”, and with a heritage of great operatic tenor parts, it is difficult to imagine the rarity of the tenor voice on the London opera stage of the early eighteenth century. Prior to Tamerlano, Handel had composed thirteen Italian operas, where all the main male roles were played by castrati – either soprano or alto.  It’s not surprising that the lead casting of the tenor Francesco Borosini in the role of Bajazete, should have provoked some humour at the expense of the castrati. Mist’s Weekly Journal, reported: “We hear that there is a new Opera now in Practice at the Theatre in the Hay-Market, called Tamerlane, the Musick composed by Mynheer Hendel, and that Signior Borseni, newly arrived from Italy, is to sing the Part of the Tyrant Bajazet. N.B. It is commonly reported this Gentleman was never cut out for a Singer” (Deutsch, 173-4). The only Handel tenor role of any significance before Bajazete was Giuliano, “a hair-brained military” character in Rodrigo, the first of his Italian operas (1707) (Dean and Knapp, 107). The general status of the tenor is best shown by the cast for Handel’s first London opera, Rinaldo (1711), where a glittering array of Italian roles was supplemented by one Englishman, the tenor Mr Lawrence, who played the completely insignificant role of herald.

But Borosini was not only the best tenor in Europe. He had a considerable influence on his own most important operatic role. He had already played Bajazet, in the revision of Piovene’s libretto in 1719, and had influenced the development of his part in that opera to the extent that the title changed from Tamerlano to Il Bajazet. And it seems he brought this revised libretto with him to London, which led to Haym and Handel revising their own version of Tamerlano, particularly to include Bajazete’s death scene. Perhaps Handel, too, should have renamed his opera Bajazete. (See Larue, 17-79, for a fascinating account of Borosini’s influence on Handel’s first production.)

Several characters have great arias in Tamerlano. Particularly impressive are: Andronico’s beautiful “Cerco in vano”; Irene’s sublime “Per che mi nasca”; and Asteria’s moving and tragic “Cor di padre’. But Bajazete has much of the best music and all of the best drama. The aria “Forte e lieto’ represents the fateful combination of a desire for death and the love of his daughter; “Ciel e terra” is a magnificent aria of disdainful defiance of Tamerlano; and “A suoi piedi” expresses profound despair at the possible (mistaken) betrayal of his daughter (Dean and Knapp even speculate that this “astonishing piece” may have been borrowed by Bach for his Matthew Passion (Dean and Knapp, 540-41). But it is the death sequence that most stands out. John Merrill Knapp has said that this passage “with its succession of secco and accompanied recitative, arioso, and aria is probably one of the most powerfully dramatic scenes in all Baroque opera” (Knapp, 406). Bajazete has defied his enemy by poisoning himself, and enters with calm and dignified resolution: “My Heart alone / Can tell the Reason yet, why all this Calm / Sits sporting smiling in my altered Looks” (Haym, 94). Tamerlano’s response, though, takes him from this assured resignation to cursing bitterness. Then interruptions by his daughter Asteria provoke complete shifts in mood to the tragic pathos of the situation, before he finally recovers his indignation, as his music literally breathes – in breaking breaths – its last.

Works cited
Dean, Winton and John Merrill Knapp. Handel’s Operas 1704-1726. Oxford: Clarendon
            Press. 1995.
Deutsch, Otto Erich. Handel: A Documentary Biography. London: Adam and Charles
            Black. 1955.
Haym, Nicola. Tamerlano: Drama. London: King’s Theatre. 1724.
Knapp, J. Merrill. “Handel’s Tamerlano: The Creation of an Opera” in Musical Quarterly
            56. 1970, pp.405-30.
Larue, C. Steven. Handel and His Singers: The Creation of the Royal Academy Operas,
            1720 – 1728. Oxford: Clarendon Press. 1995.
Marlowe, Christopher. Tamburlaine the Great, ed. J. S. Cunningham and Eithne Henson.
            Manchester and New York: Manchester University Press. 1998.


Friday, 1 June 2012

Giulio Cesare in Egitto – An Introduction


(The following is a draft entry for The Literary Encyclopedia Online (the completed entry was published online in June, 2012)

The best-known of all Handel’s operas, Giulio Cesare in Egitto (1724) has been performed more times, in more countries, than any other. A great success in its own time, it was one of the most important works in the twentieth-century revival of interest in Handel’s operas. Oskar Hagan’s version for Göttingen in 1922 was given 220 performances in 38 cities within five years (Dean and Knapp, 507). It has retained its status in the twenty-first century, though all the surviving operas are now known, performed and recorded. Currently there are more than twenty versions of Giulio Cesare available on CD and DVD.

The libretto for the opera was put together by Nicola Haym, one of Handel’s best collaborators, from a range of earlier Italian sources, particularly a work of the same name by Giacomo Bussani.

Julius Caesar has followed the defeated Pompey to Egypt, where the action begins, beside the Nile. Pompey’s wife Cornelia and her son Sesto (Sextus) arrive asking for peace, and Caesar agrees to embrace Pompey. But Cleopatra’s brother Tolomeo (Ptolemy) has sent his general, Achilla, to present the head of Pompey to Caesar as a token of loyalty. A furious Caesar dismisses Achilla with scorn. Achilla falls for Cornelia. Curio, a Roman Tribune, proclaims his love for Cornelia, and prevents her taking her own life, but she is inconsolable, and Sesto vows bitter revenge. Cleopatra, hearing the news, determines to meet Caesar, ridiculing her brother’s claim to the throne. Achilla brings Tolomeo news of Caesar’s disdain and proposes the murder of Caesar (Achilla wants Cornelia’s hand in return). Tolomeo resolves on murdering Caesar. “Lidia” (Cleopatra in disguise) complains to Caesar of her treatment by Tolomeo. Both Caesar and Curio are immediately besotted with her. Cleopatra then overhears Cornelia’s story. Cornelia is determined to take revenge against Tolomeo, but Sesto insists that this is his destiny. Still as Lidia, Cleopatra promises her support. Caesar arrives at Tolomeo’s palace, offering a veiled insult, before being shown to his rooms (where Tolomeo plans to murder him). Cornelia and Sesto are immediately seized as soon as they reach court. Sesto is imprisoned and Cornelia is assigned to the seraglio, where Tolomeo plans to have her. Achilla tries to woo Cornelia who is disgusted by his advances. Sesto is taken off to prison, parted from his tearful mother. Cleopatra has further plans to seduce Caesar, and arranges for him to overhear her singing in a delightful grove of cedars with the Palace of Virtue and the nine muses on the slopes of Parnassus. Caesar hears her aria “V’adoro, pupille” (discussed below). Enraptured, he rushes towards her, but the scene changes and she disappears. However, Cleopatra’s eunuch, Nireno, announces that “Lidia” awaits him in her chambers. Tolomeo now takes over the role of Cornelia’s suitor. She thinks him insane, but he determines on rape if necessary. Alone, Cornelia prepares to hurl herself to her death, but Sesto intervenes. Nireno announces that Cornelia is to go to the seraglio, but suggests a murder plot: Sesto might there be able to catch Tolomeo off-guard. Caesar attends “Lidia” but news of the attempt on his life interrupts them, and Cleopatra accidentally reveals her true identity. Caesar escapes the conspirators. Achilla foils the plot to murder Tolomeo in the seraglio, and then announces the death of Caesar who has thrown himself into the harbour and drowned; Cleopatra is already armed to revenge his death. Achilla asks for Cornelia’s hand but he is rudely rebuffed by Tolomeo, who heads off to engage Cleopatra’s forces. Achilla joins with Cleopatra, but the latter is taken prisoner in the ensuing battle. Tolomeo is determined to subdue his haughty sister, putting her in chains to grovel at the foot of his throne. Caesar, actually alive, having swum to safety, overhears the dying Achilla giving Sesto a seal which will command a hundred armed men; he mentions a subterranean passage which will lead directly to the palace. Caesar rescues Cleopatra, and she heads off to gather her troops for the decisive battle. Meanwhile Tolomeo is forcing himself on Cornelia when Sesto arrives and kills him. The Romans and Egyptians celebrate their victory; Caesar crowns Cleopatra Queen of Egypt and they sing a love duet before a final chorus of celebration.

From the first speech, which cites the famous “Veni, vidi, vici” in the wrong place at the wrong time and in the wrong context, the text offers an inventive approach to history. (Dean and Knapp, 483).

The opera was produced at the height of Handel’s powers, in 1724 (the first of three new masterpieces composed in little more than a year – see the entries on Tamerlano and Rodelinda). The Royal Academy of Music, set up in 1719 for the production of Italian opera was fully established, as one visitor to England noted a month after the first performance of Giulio Cesare: “The passion for the opera here is getting beyond all belief” (Deutsch, 160). The year before, John Gay had written to Jonathan Swift:

As for the reigning Amusement of the town, tis entirely Musick. […] Theres nobody allow’d to say I sing but an Eunuch or an Italian Woman. […] folks that could not distinguish one tune from another now daily dispute about the different Styles of Hendel, Bononcini, and Attillio. […] Senesino is daily voted to be the greatest man that ever liv’d. (Gay, 43)

For Giulio Cesare Handel had not only Gay’s most famous “Eunuch”, the castrato Senesino (who of course played Caesar), but also the most celebrated “Italian Woman”, the soprano Francesca Cuzzoni (Cleopatra, naturally) and a glittering supporting cast. The result was sensational. Another visitor wrote:

The opera is in full swing also, since Hendell’s new one, called Julius César — in which Cenesino and Cozzuna shine beyond all criticism — has been put on. The house was just as full at the seventh performance as at the first. (Deutsch, 160)

The production ran for thirteen consecutive nights, and was revived (with changes) for a further ten performances the following season.

The casting for Giulio Cesare suggests the riot of sexual uncertainty in the operas of the period. Here was a rare opportunity to have a castrato actually play a castrato, as Nireno is an Egyptian eunuch. So, in the first production of February 1724, Giuseppe Bigonzi fulfilled that most logical of castings as “alto castrato”. But the castrati were generally the expensive stars, and Nireno is a minor part. The revisions for January 1725 saw Nireno “cut” to a “mute”. But for the last few nights of the 1725 run Handel revived the role as a singing part, renaming the character Nirena and making “her” a lady-in-waiting to Cleopatra, sung by a female soprano. Oddly, though, he didn’t have to make the sex change. It was quite normal for women to play “male” roles when castrati were in short supply. After all, the male role of Sesto was first played by Margherita Durastanti.

It is difficult, adequately, to summarize the achievements of Handel’s operas in the first period of the Royal Academy. His music shows a mastery of human emotion and dramatic incident unsurpassed in his age. But he also developed a profound ability to portray character in depth. As the highest expression of this art his portrayal of Cleopatra has often been compared to Shakespeare’s.

Cleopatra has nine arias and in them Handel explores every side of her notoriously protean personality: dismissive, rude, playfulness (“Non disperar”); a coquettish enjoyment of the female arts of love (“Tutto può donna”); her optimism, gaiety, and radiance (“Tu la mia stella”); her beguiling graces (“Venere bella”); her capacity for profound tragic feeling (“Che sento?”); her sublime sense of noble pathos (“Piangerò”);  her joyous energy (“Da tempeste”); and her unaffected love (“Caro/Bella”).

But the aria that best reveals her compelling character is “V’adoro pupille”, perhaps the greatest seduction aria in musical history. It has the equivalent force of Enobarbus’ famous speech in Antony and Cleopatra:

The barge she sat in, like a burnish'd throne

Burn'd on the water: the poop was beaten gold;

Purple the sails, and so perfumed that

The winds were love-sick with them; the oars were silver,

Which to the tune of flutes kept stroke, and made

The water which they beat to follow faster,

As amorous of their strokes. For her own person,

It beggar'd all description [...] (Antony and Cleopatra, II, ii, 191-198)

Shakespeare, here, follows his source, North’s Plutarch very closely. But Plutarch gives an additional detail: “her voyce and words were marvelous pleasant: for her tongue was an instrument of musicke to divers sports and pastimes” (Antony and Cleopatra, pp.247-8). Shakespeare also economises on the music that attends her. His “tune of flutes” is based on Plutarch’s  “sounde of the musicke of flutes, howboyes, citherns, violls, and such other instruments as they played upon in the barge” (Antony and Cleopatra, p.246). Cleopatra’s legendary power is one naturally expressed by the metonym and metaphor of music. In Handel's score it is her song that seduces Caesar. And Handel overtrumps Plutarch with his instruments, as Winton Dean notes:

Handel deploys a double orchestra: a group of nine instruments played by the nine Muses on stage or behind the scenes, including harp, theorbo and viola da gamba, is contrasted and combined with the main body in the pit, the violins of both orchestras being muted. The senses of the audience must have been as ravished as Caesar's. (Dean, 23)

Hearing this music nearly three-hundred years later, the experience is no less “ravishing”.


Works Cited

Dean, Winton and John Merrill Knapp. Handel’s Operas 1704-1726. Oxford: Clarendon Press. 1995.
Dean, Winton. Notes to Giulio Cesare, dir. René Jacobs. Harmonia Mundi. 1991.
Deutsch, Otto Erich. Handel: A Documentary Biography. London: Adam and Charles Black. 1955.
Gay, John. The Letters of John Gay, ed. C. F. Burgess. Oxford: Clarendon Press. 1966.
Haym, Nicola Francesco. Giulio Cesare In Egitto. London: Thomas Wood. 1724.
Shakespeare, William. Antony and Cleopatra, ed. M. R. Ridley. Methuen: London and New York.1954.

Recommended Reading

Burrows, Donald. Handel. Oxford: OUP. 1994. (The best general survey of Handel’s life and work (see particularly135-50 for a musical analysis of Giulio Cesare.)
 
Dean, Winton. “Handel’s Giulio Cesare”. The Musical Times, Vol. 104, No. 1444 (June, 1963). 402-404. (A good introduction to the opera, its libretto, and its early casts.)

Dean, Winton and John Merrill Knapp. Handel’s Operas 1704-1726. Oxford: Clarendon Press. 1995. (The most important of all reference works for this period, with an extensive account of all aspects of Giulio Cesare (483-526).)

Deutsch, Otto Erich. Handel: A Documentary Biography. London: Adam and Charles Black. 1955. (The best documentary source for the facts and opinions of the period – see particularly157-74 for Giulio Cesare.)

Monson, Craig. “Giulio Cesare in Egitto: From Sartorio (1677) to Handel (1724)”. Music and Letters, Vol. 66, No. 4 (Oct, 1985). 313-43. (Gives a comprehensive account of the various libretto treatments of the subject, and their relation to each other

Thursday, 1 December 2011

George Frideric Handel – An Introduction


The following is a draft entry for The Literary Encyclopedia Online (the entry was published online in December, 2011)


George Frideric Handel (originally Georg Friedrich Händel), middle-class son of a successful barber-surgeon, was born on 23rd February, 1685, in Halle (in Saxony), less than one month before and eighty miles away from Johann Sebastian Bach.  Remarkably, the two never met.  Whereas Bach was to stay in his own country, Handel’s career was international, taking him to and from Germany, Italy and England before he finally settled in London.  The scope and extent of his achievements are remarkable.  He composed over forty Italian operas; over twenty English oratorios and dramas; numerous concertos; an enormous range of church music; over one hundred cantatas; a mass of orchestral music; and hundreds of sonatas and airs.  A brutally selective list of masterpieces would have to include the operas Radamisto, Giulio Cesare, Tamerlano, Rodelinda, and  Ariodante; the oratorios Saul, Messiah, Solomon and Jephtha; the musical dramas Acis and Galatea and Semele; the four anthems for the coronation of George II (including “Zadok the Priest”); the opus 7 organ concertos; and the Water Music and Fireworks Music.


After his apprenticeship and experience as church organist, orchestra violinist and harpsichordist, the culmination of Handel’s early career in Germany was the production of his first opera (in German) Almira, at the Hamburg Opera House in 1705.  But it was a long tour of Italy (1706-10) that was to shape the rest of Handel’s musical life, producing his first two Italian operas, Rodrigo (first performed in Florence, 1707), and Agrippina (first performed, to sensational acclaim, in Venice, 1709).


To many, Handel is still primarily known as a master of oratorios and orchestral suites.  The Messiah, the Water Music, and the Fireworks Music have particularly captured the imagination since their first performances.  Of the Water Music, The Daily Courant for 19th July, 1717 wrote:

 

On Wednesday Evening […] the King took Water at Whitehall in an open Barge. […].  Many other Barges with Persons of Quality attended, and so great a Number of Boats, that the whole River in a manner was cover’d; a City Company’s Barge was employ’d for the Musick, wherein were 50 Instruments of all sorts, who play’d all the Way from Lambeth […] the finest Symphonies, compos’d express for this Occasion, by Mr. Hendel. (Deutsch, 76)

 

According to Handel’s first biographer, John Mainwaring, this was the occasion of a famous reconciliation between the King and the composer (actually, such performances had become a custom, and Handel’s participation may rather have allowed King George a public excuse for extending his previous patronage (as Elector of Hanover).
 

Even the rehearsal for the Fireworks Music was spectacular: “according to The Gentlemen’s Magazine, there were 100 performers, and an audience of more than 12,000 (at 2s 6d per ticket) attended – a turn out that caused a three-hour traffic jam on London Bridge” (Burrows, 298).

 
Of The Messiah it is sometimes said that the speed of composition (twenty-four days in August-September 1741) proved Handel’s sense of divine inspiration.  If so, then Handel’s God was both unprejudiced (as to subject) and abundant in his favours, as there were many other periods of intensive creativity.  In 1724-5, for example, Handel produced three operatic masterpieces – Giulio Cesare in Egitto; Tamerlano; and Rodelinda, regina de’ Langobardi, as well as a series of sonatas and a successful pasticcio opera.


Despite the fame of his orchestral music and oratorios, Handel’s main commitment was always to Italian opera, an obsession that was to make London the music capital of the world in the first half of the eighteenth century.  It was the opportunity to produce operas at the Queen’s Theatre, Haymarket (after Queen Anne’s death and the accession of George I, known as the King’s Theatre) that first drew Handel to London late in 1710.

 
The English literary scene was never happy about the rise of Italian opera.  Before Handel’s contribution, in 1706 John Dennis had launched a ludicrous and xenophobic attack. Italian opera was: “a Diversion of more pernicious consequence, than the most licentious Play that ever has appear’d upon the Stage”.  Its pleasures were too great, offering, particularly, a threat to all young ladies.  French music was less dangerous as it was “by no means so meltingly moving as the Italian”.  Italian opera was emasculating and foreign: “the Reigning Luxury of Modern Italy, is that soft and effeminate Musick which abounds in the Italian Opera” (Dennis, 4-7).  Nobody despised John Dennis more than Alexander Pope, but in their view of opera they broadly agreed.  By 1742, after Handel had produced his last Italian opera in London, Pope could still characterize the genre as a strumpet with “foreign air”: “A Harlot form soft sliding by, / With mincing step, small voice, and languid eye” (Pope, Dunciad, 345).


This literary assault was evident at the outset of Handel’s London career.  His first London opera, Rinaldo (1711), met with a mocking critique from the Spectator, which ridiculed the taste of opera audiences as trivial and laughable.  With Rinaldo, as with the later Teseo (1713) and Amadigi (1715), Handel’s other “magic operas” (so called because they all have a sorceress who conjures up visions and monsters), audiences could enjoy state of the art special effects.  Rinaldo calls for two chariots, drawn by white horses, blackamoors, and dragons issuing fire and smoke; furies and monsters; a delightful grove with birds; singing and dancing mermaids; a dreadful mountain prospect; an enchanted palace; a magician’s cave; ugly spirits; and plentiful supplies of thunder, lightning and “amazing noises”.  Addison ridiculed the whole enterprise in the Spectator issue of March 6th.  Especially ludicrous to him seemed the provision of real birds for the delightful grove:

 

As I was walking in the Streets about a Fortnight ago, I saw an ordinary Fellow carrying a Cage full of little Birds upon his Shoulder […] Sparrows for the Opera, says his Friend, licking his Lips, what are they to be roasted?  No, no, says the other, they are to enter towards the end of the first Act, and to fly about the Stage. (The Spectator, I, 23-4)

 

For all Addison’s humour, his descriptions do suggest the excitement of these productions:  Rinaldo is filled with Thunder and Lightning, Illuminations, and Fireworks”.  Some proprietors of eighteenth-century taste may have scorned such entertainments, but the opera public loved them.  Rinaldo was a great success; the publication of its songs alone made their publisher fifteen hundred pounds.

 
After this initial venture, the most important development was the establishment of the Royal Academy of Music in 1719.  With the support of the King and the aristocracy, the right patronage was available for the most remarkable period in English opera history.  As Mainwaring notes:


A project was formed by the Nobility for erecting an academy at the Haymarket.  The intention of this musical Society, was to secure to themselves a constant supply of Operas to be composed by HANDEL, and performed under his direction. (Mainwaring, 96-97)


In an unprecedented expression of artistic venture capital (with little promise of return, considering the enormous cost of opera productions) £10,000 of stock in the new company was bought by an elite group of investors, the King allowing an annual £1,000 to support the scheme.  On February 21st the Original Weekly Journal announced that:

 

Mr. Hendel, a famous Master of Musick, is gone beyond Sea, by Order of his Majesty, to Collect a Company of the choicest Singers in Europe, for the Opera in the Hay-Market. (Deutsch, 86)


So exciting was the prospect that the journal had anticipated Handel’s departure by three months.  Italian opera was now a cosmopolitan enterprise and Handel went not to Italy but to Dresden where the Elector of Saxony had gathered one of the finest opera companies in Europe.  He returned, having secured the services of the famous soprano Margherita Durastanti and other signings soon followed.  But the Academy had to wait until the end of 1720 to secure its star attraction, the castrato Senesino, with an astonishing fee of £3,000.  Though he hadn’t yet arrived in London, the fervour of anticipation for Handel’s first Academy production was none the less for that.  The first night, on April 27th, according to Mainwaring, was one to remember:

 

In the year 1720, he obtained leave to perform his Opera of RADAMISTO. […]  In so splendid and fashionable an assembly of ladies (to the excellence of their taste we must impute it) there was no shadow of form, or ceremony, scarce indeed any appearance of order or regularity, politeness or decency.  Many, who had forc’d their way into the house with an impetuosity but ill suited to their rank and sex, actually fainted through the excessive heat and closeness of it.  Several gentlemen were turned back, who had offered forty shillings for a seat in the gallery, after having despaired of getting any in the pit or boxes. (Mainwaring, 98-99)

 

The opera was a magnificent début, revealing both a complete mastery of the high heroic mode of opera seria, and a profound capacity to move, as in the famous aria “Ombra cara”.


The opera stars of the day, not only the sensational castrati, but also the great Italian sopranos, were not easy to work with.  No sooner had the famous soprano Cuzzoni arrived in London than she began to establish her reputation for spoilt behaviour.  She refused, at rehearsal, to sing the beautiful aria “Falsa imagine” from Ottone (1723) that Handel had intended for her introduction, at which point, Handel apparently threatened to defenestrate her: “he took her up by the waist, and, if she made any more words, swore that he would fling her out of the window” (Mainwaring, 110-11).


When Cuzzoni was joined in London by her great rival, Faustina, Handel had to be very careful to allocate parts of an exactly equivalent length in Alessandro (1726), his first production for the two prima donnas, or Rival Queens as they came to be known.  But a year later, during a performance of Bononcini’s opera Astianatte, the rivalry came to a head:

 

On Tuesday-night last […] a great Disturbance happened at the Opera, occasioned by the Partisans of the Two Celebrated Rival Ladies […].   The Contention at first was only carried on by Hissing on one Side, and Clapping on the other; but proceeded at length to Catcalls, and other great Indecencies. (Deutsch, 210)

 

The two singers actually came to blows on stage.  Such behaviour was the perfect subject for satirists, and John Gay had great fun parodying the episode in The Beggar’s Opera (1728), in the rivalry between Polly Peachum and Lucy Lockit (“Why how now, Madam Flirt? ... Why how now, saucy jade?” (Gay, 93)).


The first period of the Royal Academy came to an end in 1728-1729, but the enterprise was extended for a further five years (usually known as the “Second Academy”) and Handel continued to produce Italian operas.  He and his company were then forced out of the famous King’s Theatre by the Opera of the Nobility, a rival group also established to produce Italian operas, which had already signed a number of Handel’s celebrated singers.  Handel was not easily discouraged, though, and he moved to the brand new Theatre Royal, Covent Garden, and other new operas followed.  But by the late 1730’s the writing was on the wall for Italian opera seria in London.  It had been difficult for the capital to maintain the expense of one opera company, let alone two, and the clamour for works sung in English was becoming irresistible.  Handel began to move increasingly towards English oratorios.  Deidamia (performed in January 1741), was his last Italian opera, and later in the same year he composed the Messiah.


It is not an exaggeration to say that from the end of Handel’s career until the 1970s when there was a revival of interest in Baroque opera, Handel was most celebrated as the composer of English oratorios rather than Italian operas.  But the genius of his best oratorios shows him to be that master of musical drama he became by writing operas.  Those who wrote the best English libretti for Handel absolutely understood this essentially dramatic quality of his way with words.  Handel was clearly inspired, for instance, by Charles Jennens’ brilliant libretto for Saul (completed and first performed in 1738-9, when Handel was still writing opera).  Winton Dean notes that Jennens:

 

understood the nature of Handel’s genius a great deal better than his critics [...] giving him not a prize poem or a devotional cantata, still less a liturgical text, but a fully organised drama conceived in terms of the visual theatre [...] (Dean, 277)

 

A good example of Handel’s skills is the episode in Act I that culminates in Saul’s aria of jealous vengeance against David – “With rage I shall burst”.  The aria itself actually confirms the influence of opera material: it’s a borrowing from Handel’s own Agrippina of 1709.  In Saul it becomes the culmination of a compelling and intense series of events. The sequence starts with a symphony for carillon, a remarkable instrument that left Jennens dumbfounded:

 

Mr Handel’s head is more full of Maggots than ever.  I found yesterday in his room a very queer instrument which he calls carillon (Anglice a bell) and says some call it a Tubalcain, I suppose because it is both in the make and tone like a set of Hammers striking upon anvils.  ‘Tis play’d upon with Keys like a Harpsichord, and with this Cyclopean instrument he designs to make poor Saul stark mad. (Dean, 275)

 

Despite Jennens’ fears for Handel’s own sanity, it’s clear that even he imagines such an instrument might have the desired effect.  With the symphony come the daughters of the land, playing music, dancing and singing in celebration of the victory over the Philistines.  This narrative introduction is also accompanied by the carillon (its insistence already beginning to get to Saul, who knows that David is more fêted than himself).  The chorus welcomes the heroes, but, with unwise favouritism, names David first.  In the rise and fateful fall of an accompanied recitative, Saul interrupts the celebrations: “[has he] then sunk so low/ To have this upstart boy preferred to [him]”. Back comes the choir with more ecstatic and elaborate carillon to praise David’s “ten thousand” slain.  Saul can restrain himself no more, and his final interruption (“To him ten thousands and to me but thousand”) announces his raging aria.  The whole phase is a masterpiece of sustained musical drama.  From celebration to doom the music explains, with absolute conviction, Saul’s descent.  And the carillon has indeed helped drive him “stark mad”.


The relationship between composer and librettist should not be underestimated.  We are fortunate that Handel was able to work with as talented a writer as Jennens.  But others also deserve acknowledgement.  Thomas Morell’s libretto for Jephtha has been seen merely as a collection of quotations from an impressive range of poets (particularly Milton).  But Jephtha is an extremely knowing anthology, its literary allusions chosen to bring a thematic and artistic unity to the subject.  Handel, though he was in poor health, was certainly engaged by the text.  He had had to stop work on the piece, scribbling in the margin (in German): “got as far as this on [...] 13th February 1751, unable to go on owing to weakening of the sight of my left eye” (Deutsch, 701).   Handel’s response to illness was always proactive, but, despite dangerous and unpleasant surgery (involving the piercing of the cornea with a needle) and visits to spa waters, his sight was not fully to recover and he was to end his years in increasing blindness.


In these circumstances, the text of Jephtha must have had a special private significance for Handel, surely understood by his librettist.  How apt that Handel’s last major work, composed despite intermittent bouts of blindness, should have darkness as one of its central unifying motifs, in a system of images which finds its emotional climax in one of his greatest choruses – “How dark, O Lord, are thy Decrees”.  It was at exactly this point in the manuscript that Handel noted his worsening sight. .


The composer’s treatment of that great chorus shows that Handel, touched perhaps by the personal relevance of its message, and impressed by its sense of fatalism, could still conjure a profoundly moving and tragic utterance.  The crucial last line “Whatever is, is right” is from Pope’s Essay on Man (Pope, Essay, 51).  Originally, in fact, Morell had written “What God ordains is right” but Handel preferred a direct quotation and inserted his correction throughout the manuscript.  Though Pope was vindicating “the ways of God to Man” (Pope, Essay, 14), Handel created a dark and imposing expression of our helplessness before fate.


Handel’s librettists (Italian and English) all brought their own particular skills to bear on the creation of texts that interested and excited Handel.  Finally, though, it is Handel’s special ability to actualise the words on the page that really matters.  Whether in masterful single arias and choruses or in compelling sequences of musical action and reaction, it is Handel’s ability to bring scenes and episodes to dramatic life that makes him one of the greatest of all musical dramatists.

 

Works Cited

Bond, Donald F. (ed.) The Spectator, 5 vols. Oxford: Clarendon Press. 1965.

Burrows, Donald. Handel. Oxford: OUP. 1994.

Dean, Winton. Handel’s Dramatic Oratorios and Masques. Oxford: Clarendon Press.

            1995.

Dennis, John. An Essay on the Opera's After the Italian Manner, Which are about to be     

Establish'd on the English Stage, With some Reflections on the Damage which

they may bring to the Publick. London: John Nutt. 1706.

Deutsch, Otto Erich. Handel: A Documentary Biography. London: Adam and Charles

            Black. 1955.

Gay, John. The Beggar's Opera, ed. Bryan Loughrey and T. O. Treadwell.

            Harmondsworth: Penguin. 1986.

Mainwaring, John. Memoirs of the Life of the Late George Frederic Handel. London: R.

            and J. Dodsley. 1760.

Pope, Alexander, The Dunciad, ed. James Sutherland. London: Methuen. 1965.

Pope, Alexander, An Essay on Man, ed. Maynard Mack. London: Methuen. 1970.

 

 

 

Saturday, 6 May 2006

Rodelinda (and the Royal Academy)

Rodelinda and the Royal Academy


The following is the draft of a script, a revised version of which was broadcast by the BBC in the interlude for a production of the opera, and publicised as ‘Celebrity, Scandal and Opera Genius: Handel’s Rodelinda and the Royal Academy’ –  produced by Freya Mitchell, BBC Radio 3, 6/5/06.

No work in Handel’s remarkable and extensive opera-writing career is better placed than Rodelinda to give us a sense of the excitement and success of a composer writing at the height of his powers, for the best singers in the world, in the most ambitious opera venture the English stage had ever attempted, at a time when London was the opera capital of the world.

Handel was in one of his several periods of particular creative genius, completing his third masterpiece in only one year. Rodelinda, which followed the sensational Giulio Cesare and Tamerlano, was one of the best received of all Handel’s operas for the Royal Academy, running for fourteen performances and revived at the end of the year for a second season. The tenor, Alexander Gordon, gave an insider’s preview of its brilliance, having attended a rehearsal:

Having the liberty of the house I went to the opera [...] and heard Julius Caesar which pleased me exceedingly but the new one to be acted for [the] first time next Saturday exceeds all I ever heard. [D&K, p.589]

(Praise from Gordon is perhaps particularly telling, as he was difficult to please. Two years earlier he is reported to have threatened to jump on Handel’s harpsichord and smash it to pieces, in complaint at the composer’s accompaniment to one of his arias. Handel is reported to have replied: ‘Let me know when you will do that and I will advertise it; for I am sure more people will come to see you jump than hear you sing.’) [Burrows, p.115]

Gordon’s first impressions have been confirmed ever since. Charles Burney noted that Rodelinda ‘contains such a number of capital and pleasing airs as entitles it to one of the first places among Handel’s dramatic productions’, and Chrysander found it to be ‘one of his most complete and satisfying operas’. [D&K, p.577] Modern commentators and audiences agree. It was the opera which first began the twentieth-century revival of Handel’s operas in the famous Göttingen production of June 1920, and it has enjoyed numerous productions in every decade since. Its place of importance, then, was assured well before the late twentieth-century surge of interest in baroque opera, and it is now generally acknowledged as a masterpiece of the period.

Rodelinda can reasonably be seen to mark the high point of the first period of the Royal Academy of Music. Six years earlier, in an unprecedented expression of artistic venture capital (with little promise of return, considering the enormous cost of opera productions) 10,000 pounds worth of stock in the new company was bought by an elite group of investors, the King himself allowing an annual 1,000 pounds to support the scheme. On February 21st, 1719, the Original Weekly Journal announced that:

Mr. Hendel, a famous Master of Musick, is gone beyond Sea, by Order of his Majesty, to Collect a Company of the choicest Singers in Europe, for the Opera in the Hay-Market.

So exciting was news of the venture that this journal had actually anticipated Handel's departure by three months. Italian opera was now a cosmopolitan enterprise and Handel went not to Italy but to Dresden where the Elector of Saxony had gathered one of the finest opera companies in Europe. Handel returned having secured the services of the famous soprano Margherita Durastanti and other signings soon followed.

The opening night of Radamisto, Handel’s debut Academy opera, according to Handel’s first biographer Mainwaring, had been a night to remember:

In the year 1720, he obtained leave to perform his Opera of RADAMISTO. If persons who are now living, and who were present at that performance may be credited, the applause it received was almost as extravagant as his AGRIPPINA had excited: the crowds and tumults of the house at Venice were hardly equal to those at LONDON. In so splendid and fashionable an assembly of ladies (to the excellence of their taste we must impute it) there was no shadow of form, or ceremony, scarce indeed any appearance of order or regularity, politeness or decency. Many, who had forc'd their way into the house with an impetuosity but ill suited to their rank and sex, actually fainted through the excessive heat and closeness of it. Several gentlemen were turned back, who had offered forty shillings for a seat in the gallery, after having despaired of getting any in the pit or boxes.

By the first production of Rodelinda five years later, Handel’s place as the pre-eminent composer of Italian operas for London had been fully established., even if some satirists still made fun of the rivalry between him and the other leading Academy composer Giovanni Bononcini, as in John Byrom’s famous epigram:

Some say, compar’d to Bononcini

That Mynheer Handel’s but a Ninny;

Others aver, that he to Handel

Is scarcely fit to hold a Candle:

Strange all this Difference should be

‘Twixt Tweedle-dum and Tweedle-dee!  [Deutsche, p.180]

Actually Bononcini had withdrawn from the Academy a year before this joke, in 1724, leaving the stage to Handel for the Rodelinda season. And by now Handel’s early efforts to secure the best voices had come to fruition. The cast for Rodelinda was perhaps the best – and was certainly the most celebrated – ever to appear on the London stage together. At the head of the bill was the great Italian castrato Senesino (in the role of Bertarido). Handel had in fact written the role of Radamisto for his introduction in 1720, though he hadn’t yet arrived for the first production of that opera.

Though today we can only imagine the combination of purity and power in the castrato voice, the contemporary flautist and composer Johann Quantz, gave us a first-hand account of Senesino:

[He] had a well-carrying, clear, even, and pleasantly low soprano voice [...], a pure intonation and a beautiful trillo. He rarely sang above the fifth line ‘f’. His way of singing was masterful and his execution perfect. He did not overload the slow movements with arbitrary ornamentation, but brought out the essential ornaments with the greatest finesse. He sang an allegro with fire, and he knew how to thrust out the running passages with his chest with some speed. [Larue, p.107]

His leading lady in the role of Rodelinda was the most celebrated soprano of the day, Francesca Cuzzoni. She had arrived in London for the first production of Handel’s Ottone in 1723, immediately establishing her reputation for moving, plaintive, arias and spoilt behaviour. Legend has it that she refused, at rehearsal, to sing the beautiful aria that Handel had intended for her introduction -  at which point, in French, Handel famously threatened to defenestrate her:

Having one day some words with CUZZONI on her refusing to sing Falsa imagine in OTTONE; Oh! Madame, (said he) je sçais bien que Vous êtes une veritable Diablesse: mais je Vous ferai sçavoir, moi, que je suis Beelzebub le Chéf des Diables. With this he took her up by the waist, and, if she made any more words, swore that he would fling her out of the window. [Mainwaring]

Quantz has also left us with an account of her voice:

Cuzzoni had a very agreeable and clear soprano voice, a pure intonation, and beautiful trillo. Her range extended from middle ‘c’ to the ‘c’ above the staff. Her ornamentation did not seem to be artificial due to her nice, pleasant, and light style of delivery, and with its tenderness she won the hearts of her listeners. [Larue, p.138]

He thought her acting ‘somewhat cold’ and did not find her figure particularly ‘favourable for the theatre’, though such criticisms were kindly-put compared with Horace Walpole’s verdict that she was ‘short and square, with a doughy cross face’, that she ‘dressed ill’ and ‘was silly and fantastical’. Celebrity, though, gives little thought to such details: Charles Burney, giving Walpole’s anecdote, continues with the account of her reception in Rodelinda:

And yet on her appearing in this opera, in a brown silk gown, trimmed with silver, with the vulgarity and indecorum of which all the old ladies were much]scandalised, the young adopted it as a fashion, so universally, that it seemed a natural uniform of youth and beauty. (Burney, History, Vol IV, p.299; D & K, pp.589-90)

It’s worth pausing, for a moment, to contemplate the impact of these two singing superstars on the London stage of the 1720’s, and together in the cast of Rodelinda.

We can start with their salaries. Both were contracted for the astonishing fee of £2000 each, for essentially part-time work.  It’s difficult to calculate the equivalent in today’s money, but if we consider some mid-eighteenth-century prices (as compiled by Liza Picard for her book Dr Johnson’s London) we can at least get a sense of our stars’ purchasing power: for two-and-six you could buy a whole pig;  five pounds would get you a silver hilted sword; and with seventy-eight pounds you could secure a coach. Two hundred pounds a year allowed Boswell to live in London and three hundred pounds was the annual rent of a house in Grosvenor Square. Nowadays a town house there will set you back at least £2000 per week, so judged by rental values, Senesino and Cuzzoni had our equivalent spending power of some £700,000 each. [Actually, on first arriving in London, Senesino took a house off Leicester Square, with three others, including his brother, sharing the cost. The total rent was £120 a year.]

These singers were certainly the pop-stars of their age. Cuzzoni’s behaviour, as we have already seen, was exactly what we would expect from the cult of the prima donna. It was to become even more sensational two years after Rodelinda, by which time she had been joined on the London stage by her great rival, Faustina Bordoni. Handel had to take particular care when writing for both performers in the same opera to give an exactly equivalent amount of singing time to each. But their infamous rivalry came to a head during a performance of Bononcini's only opera for the Academy after his earlier withdrawal -  Astianatte. The furore was described by the British Journal:

On Tuesday-night last [the 6th [June, 1727]], a great Disturbance happened at the Opera, occasioned by the Partisans of the Two Celebrated Rival Ladies, Cuzzoni and Faustina. The Contention at first was only carried on by Hissing on one Side, and Clapping on the other; but proceeded at length to Catcalls, and other great Indecencies: And notwithstanding the Princess Caroline was present, no Regards were of Force to restrain the Rudeness of the Opponents.

The London Journal carried a similar report:

The contention [...] proceeded ... by the delightful Exercise of Catcalls, and other great Decencies, which demonstrated the inimitable Zeal and Politeness of the Illustrious Assembly [...] but no regards were of force to restrain the glorious Ardour of the fierce Opponents’

If other accounts are to be credited the two singers actually came to blows on the stage. A satirical pamphlet published within the month had the two sopranos grabbing each other’s headdresses while Handel comments ‘I think ‘tis best – to let ‘em fight it out’. John Gay was to have great fun in imitating the episode in The Beggar’s Opera by setting up the rivalry between Polly Peachum and Lucy Lockit (as in their duet: 'Why how now, Madam Flirt? ... Why how now, saucy jade?').

Hardly less controversy, of course, attended the castrati of the age. Secrecy, mystery, and intrigue were, of course, partly necessary for legal reasons, since castration was punishable by excommunication as well as civil charges. Charles Burney’s investigations were fruitless:


I enquired throughout Italy at what place boys were chiefly qualified for singing by castration [...] I was told at Milan that it was at Venice; at Venice that it was at Bologna; but at Bologna [...] I was referred to Florence; from Florence to Rome, and from Rome I was sent to Naples.

(Perhaps Burney should have tried Siena, which gave the nickname to three famous castrati, including our own Senesino!)

In London in the 1720’s jokes about the ‘elevation’ of notes, ‘injured’ reputations, and the ‘casting’ of ‘parts’ abound, of course. When the ‘Weekly Journal’ announced the arrival of the tenor Borosini (in the season before Rodelinda) it suggested that he was ‘never cut out for a singer’.

Ignoring the pun, nothing could have been further from the truth. Borosini went on to significantly influence the creation of one of Handel’s greatest tragic roles. Wonderful tenors were hard to come by in the 1720’s and Handel rose to the challenge of writing for one, by crafting the role of Bajazet in Tamerlano particularly for his voice. Borosini stayed on for the next season to appear as Grimoaldo in Rodelinda.

So the brilliance of the cast for Rodelinda extended beyond the principal roles. Handel called on his longest serving base, Giuseppe Boschi, for the role of Garibaldo, and the contralto Anna Dotti for Eduige. Even the minor role of Unolfo must have had a technically talented singer – the castrato Pacini - considering the coloratura virtuosity of passages in his arias. And this is not only a remarkably gifted and celebrated cast – it is a very balanced one: soprano, alto castrati, contralto, tenor, and base. We have only to look at some of Handel’s earlier operas for the London stage to note the relatively unbalanced preponderance of high voices. Amadigi, for instance, had four main roles, for two sopranos, a castrato and a contralto. In Rodelinda Handel had perhaps the best cast of singers he had ever gathered together, and his writing didn’t let them down.

Superficially Rodelinda is typical opera seria, with conventional content and musical structures and devices. The plot is based on seventh-century Lombard history and politics, just as Handel’s Flavio was two years earlier (indeed Flavio is Rodelinda’s son). There are all the usual subjects. The simile arias offer typical comparisons with swallows, calming breezes, and ships in trouble at sea. There are pastoral arias, storm arias, revenge arias, and even prison arias are standard for the period. But Handel’s genius for adapting conventional forms to suit dramatic purposes is nowhere more obvious than here. Rodelinda is perhaps the most innovative of all his operas in this sense. Take, for instance, his use of typical da capo aria form. Normally we have an orchestral introduction (the ‘ritornello’), then the ‘A’ section of the aria, followed by a  ‘B’ section in a contrasting key (to indicate a shift of mood or subject); then a repeat of the whole of the opening ‘A’ section, with its ritornello (typically, in practice, allowing the singer some improvisatory freedom). Handel is able to depend on his audience’s confident expectation of this structure to create some remarkable, unexpected and highly expressive variations. So, in the first aria of the opera – ‘Hò perduto’ – Rodelinda expresses her profound grief at the loss of her husband; in the ‘B’ section she consoles herself with dedication to her son, but this just reminds her of her loss, so without the ‘da capo’ ritornello, the aria moves straight back to the vocal line: the emotion for her husband is inseparable from her feelings for her son. Here, conventional form is disrupted by grief .


A very different emotion disturbs Eduige’s first aria; she swears she will make Grimoaldo beg her forgiveness; can she really make him do it? asks Garibaldo: you bet she’ll make him – so angry is she, so determined is her will, that she has no time for opening introductions; she gets in her first ‘Lo farò’ before the ritornello.

But there are even more striking effects. ‘Dove sei’ – out of context - is probably one of the best-known and loved of all Handel arias. But in context it contributes to a piece of breathtaking dramatic writing. Bertarido, thought dead, returns to find his own tombstone. After a symphonic introduction, he proclaims, in accompanied recitative, on the pomp and vanity of our memorials; unaccompanied, he reads his own inscription; and then, in secco recitative complains about his fate. This passage and its emotion then seems to continue uninterrupted with ‘Dove sei’, as if we are still in the recitative, before a curtailed, displaced ritornello gives way to the full aria, which now emerges from the previous passage with a complete, but surprising, emotional logic. Handel worked hard to create this effect (Dean and Knapp note four stages in the writing), and it shows his determination, for dramatic effect, to forge meaningful causal links between recitative and aria.


But Handel also motivates the conventional forms. In Act II, Bertarido finds solace in nature, its playful breezes and gentle waters. After the ‘B’ section of his aria (the sublimely beautiful ‘Con rauco mormorio’, with its imitative evocation of murmuring streams and fountains), his sister Eduige unexpectedly enters; she thinks she has recognised her brother’s voice – surely it can’t be him ... but, of course, he has the ‘A’ section repeat to convince her! In Handel’s best writing for the stage he doesn’t just make old things new; he completely integrates form and content.


It’s hardly surprising that Rodelinda so captivated its audiences. As well as the dramatic intensity suggested by these examples, the opera has some of Handel’s most beautiful and sublime arias. Charles Burney’s comment on the duet ‘Io t’abbraccio’ sixty years after the first production, is perhaps a testament to the lasting quality of the whole opera:


There is not a passage, or point of imitation [...] which breathes not grace and dignity; and so far is the whole composition from discovering its age. That it seems of a kind which must be immortal, or at least an evergreen; which, however times and seasons vary, remains fresh and blooming as long as it exists.


We can, perhaps, appreciate the music lover’s absorption in Handel’s masterful score as captured in a satiric poem written at the end of the opera’s first run:


Dear Peter, if thou can’st descend

From Rodelind to hear a Friend,

And if those Ravished Ears of thine

Can quit the shrill celestial Whine

Of gentle Eunuchs, and sustain

Thy native English without pain,

I would, if t’aint too great a Burden

Thy ravished Ears intrude a Word in.